FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Press Availability in Beirut
Press Availability
William J. Burns
Deputy Secretary of State
Washington, DC
July 1, 2013
Good afternoon. I am very pleased to be back in Beirut today and to stand with the Lebanese people during this very challenging time in the region -- one with significant implications for Lebanon’s future. I had productive meetings today with President Sleiman, Caretaker Prime Minister Mikati, Lebanese Armed Forces Commanding General Kahwagi, Speaker Berri, and other senior Lebanese leaders.
Let me begin by thanking President Sleiman for his hospitality. The President deserves recognition for his steadfast leadership during this difficult period of political transition at home and instability in the region. In today’s meeting, I emphasized the United States strong and enduring commitment to Lebanon’s stability, sovereignty, and independence, and our desire to continue to strengthen our long-standing partnership with the government and people of Lebanon. I also conveyed to the President our condolences and deepest sympathies for members of the Lebanese Armed Forces and innocent civilians killed and injured in last week’s violence in Sidon. I assured him of the United States unwavering support for the LAF, including training and equipment to assist security forces in their critical role of preserving Lebanon’s unity.
At a time of regional tumult and domestic uncertainty, it is deeply in the self-interest of all Lebanese to exercise restraint and respect for Lebanon’s stability and security, to defend the institutions of the state, and to preserve Lebanon’s democratic traditions. The decisions to delay elections scheduled for this year and boycott the Constitutional Council shake the confidence of the international community in Lebanon’s institutions. More importantly, these actions undermine the faith of the Lebanese people in their own government.
Despite its membership in the Lebanese Government, Hizballah has decided to put its own interests and those of its foreign backers above those of the Lebanese people. We condemn in the strongest terms Hizballah’s actions in Syria -- they directly contradict the organization’s commitment to the Baabda Declaration, stand in direct violation of Lebanon’s disassociation policy, and place the future of Lebanon at risk. We call on all parties to respect the disassociation policy and preserve Lebanese stability and unity.
We recognize the enormous burden the conflict in Syria places on Lebanon. The way in which the Lebanese Government and people have so generously opened their homes, schools, and communities to over 500,000 Syrian refugees has inspired us all.
Last week, President Obama announced an additional $300 million in humanitarian assistance for Syria and its neighbors. The single largest portion of these funds -- $72 million -- will help refugees in Lebanon and their host communities. We will continue to work with other donors and partners to ensure that the international community provides Lebanon with the urgent humanitarian and development assistance it needs.
Again, it’s a pleasure to be back in Lebanon, and now I’d be glad to take a few questions.
QUESTION: Do Hizballah’s actions in Syria reflect on its participation in the new government?
DEPUTY SECRETARY BURNS: As I made clear in my opening remarks, the United States condemns Hizballah’s intervention in Syria. That intervention may be in Hizballah’s interest, it may be in the interest of Iran, it may be in the interest of Bashar al-Assad, but it is certainly not in the interest of Lebanon or the Lebanese people. We continue to strongly support the disassociation policy, the policy to which Hizballah committed itself in the Baabda Declaration. We are deeply concerned that its intervention will undercut the interests not only of the Syrian people, but also the people of Lebanon.
QUESTION: Sir, you spoke of assistance to the LAF. Will assistance be in anyway affected by Hizballah’s [inaudible] in Saida alongside the Lebanese army?
DEPUTY SECRETARY BURNS: Our support for the LAF as an essential state institution in Lebanon, as I mentioned in my remarks, is strong and enduring. We have provided since 2006 nearly a billion dollars in training and equipment for the LAF and for the Internal Security Forces. We are determined to continue to provide that kind of support given the LAF’s role in helping to unite people across Lebanese society. I want to repeat again our condolences for the loss of life from the LAF and also innocent civilians in the clashes that took place in Sidon. I understand there is also an investigation into those clashes.
QUESTION: You spoke about certain measures to support Lebanon, especially as long as they show greater involvement of the Syrian problem in Lebanon. What are these measures? Any actions by the United Nations or others?
DEPUTY SECRETARY BURNS: There are a number of different ways in which the United States is determined, as Secretary Kerry promised in his telephone conversation with President Sleiman, to reinforce our commitment. Secretary Kerry’s call, President Obama’s earlier telephone conversation with President Sleiman, my visit, and the possible visit of Senator McCain and Senator Graham over the course of the next couple of days all are clear indications of continuing U.S. support. In terms of diplomatic support, we are going to continue to work with other friends and partners of Lebanon in this region and in the international community to strengthen our commitment to Lebanon’s sovereignty and unity.
I mentioned earlier a third dimension of our support, which is our continuing provision of training and equipment to the LAF and the ISF as well. We are also looking for ways that we can strengthen the economic relationship between Lebanon and the United States, which is important. The United States is already Lebanon’s number one trading partner, and I think there are a number of ways in which we can expand our trade and investment relationship in the future. Finally, I would reinforce our commitment to helping the Lebanese Government and the people of Lebanon to deal with the huge burden posed by refugees from Syria. And by that I mean, the $72 million for Lebanon that was announced recently by President Obama, which is part of our overall $160 million in humanitarian aid for Lebanon. This aid goes not only for Syrian refugees directly, but also to the Lebanese communities that host them – for their schools, for their hospitals, and for the kinds of institutions that are overburdened right now, but which are an important reflection of the generosity of the people of Lebanon. So there are a number of ways in which we’re going to continue to increase our support for Lebanon and for its people. Thank you very much.
Showing posts with label LEBANON. Show all posts
Showing posts with label LEBANON. Show all posts
Wednesday, July 3, 2013
Saturday, June 22, 2013
SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY AND QATARI PRIME MINISTER HAMAD MAKE REMARKS IN LONDON
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Secretary John F. Kerry's Opening Remarks at the London Eleven Plenary Meeting With Qatari Prime Minister Hamad
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Doha, Qatar
June 22, 2013
PRIME MINISTER HAMAD: (Via interpreter) In the name of Allah, most precious, most merciful. Your excellencies, it is my pleasure to welcome you to Doha for this critical meeting which we agreed to hold to explore the ways through which to address the deteriorating situation in Syria. No doubt you are following the development of the tragic events taking place in the Syrian arena. The bloodbath dictated by the regime is continuing. The number of deaths and innocent victims is increasing every day. And the large-scale destruction has become an undeniable fact beside the humanitarian calamity that has befallen the Syrian people, who has largely become either internally displaced or refugees in neighboring and other countries. All of the Arab and international efforts to end the Syrian tragedy has failed, rendering the international community a helpless observer that cannot deal with the situation.
In fact, the regime wouldn’t have been able to easily carry all its bloody policy and murder around and stall all peaceful settlements of the conflict if it were not for the help and support provided to it by very well-known regional and international powers. The less blunt example of that is the interference of Hezbollah of Lebanon, which imposes. And in this regard, the Lebanese Government has to take appropriate actions to stop all interference from Lebanon in the conflict raging in Syria. It is extremely mortifying to hear the news and see evidence about the regime’s unscrupulous use of chemical weapons against its own people.
Ladies and gentlemen, this is what we can see when we observe the situation in Syria. We think it’s the time that we should shoulder our monumental responsibilities of working to put an end to what is going on in Syria if we want to fulfill our legal and moral obligations, taking into consideration that we cannot wait because of the failure of the Security Council members to reach an agreement and a solution of the crisis. We all know what I said in the meeting of Paris. I said that your countries have moved to respond to many other issues that are less severe and less urgent than the continuing bloodshed in Syria without waiting for the explicit mandate from the Security Council.
We are not talking about the military intervention here. We simply call for intervention to resolve the humanitarian tragedy. And this is to agree on a timeframe, the roadmap that brings about a peaceful solution (inaudible) the struggle of the Syrian opposition forces to establish a political system that guarantees freedom, dignity, and human rights for the Syrian people. This objective cannot be achieved without maintaining force balanced, on the ground, to force the regime to engage in Syria’s negotiations. Therefore, we have to extend all kinds of support toward the forces of the opposition to enable them to reach their legitimate goals and provide generous humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people inside the country and the Syrian refugees in the neighboring countries.
Ladies and gentlemen, the use of force may be necessary to reach rightness. The provision and use of arms might be the only way to achieve peace, especially in the Syrian case. As such, moral support alone shall not be enough to the Syrian people. We have to provide all kinds of support to the national coalition of Syrian revolution and opposition forces and the Supreme Military Council until they become capable of confronting the regime’s forces and the regional and international powers supporting it. It is very important to make it clear to everyone that our call to provide support to the Syrian opposition and its military council is previous from humanitarian objectives, and such support has become essential after the regime has spoiled, through its (inaudible) procrastination and maneuvers, all the sincere efforts to bring about a peaceful solution through which to protect Syria and reach the legitimate aspiration of its people.
We are not against (inaudible) a peaceful settlement and definitely we’ll support the convention of Geneva 2 to come to bring about a peaceful transfer of power in Syria through the formation of a free, authorized transitional government in which Bashar al-Assad and his associated whose hands are stained with blood cannot participate. We announce this; notwithstanding, the regime will do its utmost to prevent the convention of such conference or thwart it if it is held, because what this regime is truly concerned with is not a peaceful transfer of power and an end to the tragedy, but try to continue to scramble for power even if that is at the cost of a million deaths and millions of internally displaced people and refugees and destroy and partitioning Syria.
Before I conclude my speech, I would like to share with you the ideas that have been evolving in my mind as we pass through what I think an historic juncture. No doubt we worked on our positions of responsibility to express the interests of our countries through the resolutions that we adopt at the level of international relations. However, this should not make us ignore the judgment of history with regard to the legacy that we are going to leave for the future generations of our countries and worldwide. Accordingly, we have to do our utmost to serve humanity by the resolutions we take. In this context, I recall the objectives outlined in the introduction of the United Nations Charter, as prescribed as commitments by the nations of the world that governments should implement. Here is where the challenge we are facing lies. Are we ready to accept this challenge for the sake of humanity and the peoples of the world? I sincerely hope that we are, and thank you.
And now I leave the mike to Mr. John Kerry.
SECRETARY KERRY: Your Highness, Mr. Prime Minister and my colleagues, foreign ministers, your highnesses, it’s a privilege to be here with all of you. I want to thank Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim and the state of Qatar and the Emir for their hospitality today. We’re very, very appreciative for the opportunity to gather. I think this is the fourth time we have gathered as a group, from the so-called London 11 supporters, and this is really one of the most important meetings that we’ve had in the course of the number of meetings that have successively set out a set of principles by which we believe the conflict in Syria could, in fact, come to a conclusion.
We are enormously appreciative and thank you for your eloquent statement a few minutes ago. Our discussions here that we have just engaged in and that we will continue will reaffirm the belief of every country represented here and of many countries not represented here that the international community is strongly committed to ending the violence in Syria and to bringing about a peaceful resolution to the crisis. I would emphasize that every state represented here, and many who have spoken and who are not here, have not taken sides for the purpose of winning a conflict or of seeking a military victory; they have supported an opposition in an effort to seek a peaceful resolution where all of the people of Syria choose the future of Syria, where the future for Syria is not chosen by one man representing one family or one group that is willing and content to kill people of all backgrounds and all faiths and all beliefs simply to hold onto power. That is an enormous distinction in what brings us here as a group.
Today’s meeting is an opportunity for us to assess where we are and determine what we can do to further the goal I just stated. Our goal is not to win a victory for power or for one group that has held power for years. Our effort is to allow the people of Syria as a whole, with every minority respected and protected, to be able to choose the future for their country, and to do so in a climate of peace, in an absence of oppression and violence.
The fact is that we have come together to do all we can to create the conditions for the settlement that implements the Geneva 1 communiqué. The formula for a peaceful resolution to the conflict of Syria already exists. It was already agreed to by members – representatives of the United Nations, by the Arab League, by all of the countries here, and others who signed on to a process by which a transitional government would be put in place to end the conflict, that transitional government being chosen by mutual consent of both the Assad regime as well as the opposition, and that that would put in place the ability of the people of Syria to be able to choose their future.
This would be done by mutual consent, which means that both sides would have to be prepared to compromise; both sides would have to be prepared to come to the table to choose people who will protect not one side or the other, but will protect the rights of all Syrians, and most importantly, end the violence and protect the ability to have a peaceful resolution.
That exists; this is Geneva 1. It’s documented, it’s written, it’s been agreed to, and most importantly, the Russians signed on to this. They have agreed to this. And they agreed with me when I was in Moscow meeting with President Putin and Foreign Minister Lavrov. They agreed that the sole purpose of reconvening in Geneva for Geneva 2 – the sole purpose was to implement Geneva 1.
So that’s what brings us here today. And in the coming days, we will have an ability to be able to advance this effort, we hope sooner rather than later, to bring the parties together to end the violence. The opposition is prepared, as long as the circumstances are as defined, to implement Geneva 1 and all of the parties here are prepared to convene in order to end the violence and move to this transition and to the appropriate manner of allowing the people of Syria to choose their future.
In the next days, Under Secretary of State of the United States Wendy Sherman and Ambassador Robert Ford are prepared to go to Geneva. They will meet with Lakhdar Brahimi and with a Russian counterpart, and we will try to move forward from there. This meeting today also gives all of us a chance to discuss the efforts to increase and coordinate support for the Syrian political and military opposition for the purpose of being able to get to Geneva and to be able to address the imbalance on the ground that has occurred.
When this Geneva 2 was announced, Assad responded not by saying, "We welcome this as a way to be able to resolve the crisis of Syria," but he responded by bringing Iranians into his country – Iranian fighters and advisers – and by bringing Hezbollah, a designated terrorist organization, to cross the lines from Lebanon and engage in the fight on the ground. So Assad and the Assad regime’s response to a legitimate global effort to try to have a peace conference was to, in fact, militarize the efforts and internationalize that militarization, and make the region far more dangerous as a consequence. This step by Assad and his regime should concern countries all around the world.
The United States, through President Obama’s initiatives that he has already announced, remain committed to helping the people of Syria. At the recent G-8 Summit, President Obama pledged an additional $300 million in humanitarian assistance, bringing our total commitment to more than $800 million, and we’re proud to say more than any other country with respect to humanitarian aid. And we remain committed to forging – all of the ministers here are committed to forging a lasting political settlement. That is, as I said, laid out in the Geneva communiqué and we hope that in the next days we’ll be able to move to actually implement that.
His Highness, the Prime Minister, could not have said more eloquently what the impact of the current conflict is. Our friend here from Jordan, the Foreign Minister from Jordan, Nasser Judeh, has eloquently spoken about the impact of increasing numbers of refugees and life inside Jordan. While there aren’t camps, there’s an enormous impact of refugees in Lebanon, refugees in Turkey, and it is having a profound destabilizing effect, and one can only ask: What does it mean that almost 4 million people in a country have been driven out by their so-called leader and have to find safety and refuge in other countries?
The continued bloodshed at the hands of the Assad regime and the increasing involvement of Iran and its proxy, Hezbollah, threaten the very prospects of a political settlement and of peace. And the regime’s use of chemical weapons crosses President Obama’s and other nations’ red lines. We also condemn – all of us – any atrocity or any excess by any extremists or by any oppositionist group that might engage in it. All of this makes the urgency of the political solution far more compelling.
And that is why the United States and other countries here, in their various ways, each choosing its own approach, will increase the scope and scale of assistance to the political and military opposition. And that is why we are working with our allies gathered here today to coordinate our support for the Syrian coalition and the Supreme Military Council. And I emphasize, we do so not to seek a military solution; we do so to come to the table and find a political settlement. Reliable civilian governance and a stronger and more effective armed opposition will better enable the opposition to be able to provide the counterweight to the initiative of Assad to reach out across borders, trans-boundary, to bring Iranians and to bring Hezbollah – again, a terrorist organization – to the table. We believe that this can help build momentum towards the political negotiations that are so critical here.
Every minister at this table and millions of people in Syria and in the surrounding region hope and pray that we can find a peaceful solution of this conflict so that the Syrian people can have a real potential for transition to their future that provides the prosperous and peaceful and pluralistic, diverse Syria that existed before this conflict began. And it is our hope and prayer that this meeting will help contribute to that end. Thank you very much, Mr. Minister.
PRIME MINISTER HAMAD: Thank you, John. Thank you.
Secretary John F. Kerry's Opening Remarks at the London Eleven Plenary Meeting With Qatari Prime Minister Hamad
Remarks
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Doha, Qatar
June 22, 2013
PRIME MINISTER HAMAD: (Via interpreter) In the name of Allah, most precious, most merciful. Your excellencies, it is my pleasure to welcome you to Doha for this critical meeting which we agreed to hold to explore the ways through which to address the deteriorating situation in Syria. No doubt you are following the development of the tragic events taking place in the Syrian arena. The bloodbath dictated by the regime is continuing. The number of deaths and innocent victims is increasing every day. And the large-scale destruction has become an undeniable fact beside the humanitarian calamity that has befallen the Syrian people, who has largely become either internally displaced or refugees in neighboring and other countries. All of the Arab and international efforts to end the Syrian tragedy has failed, rendering the international community a helpless observer that cannot deal with the situation.
In fact, the regime wouldn’t have been able to easily carry all its bloody policy and murder around and stall all peaceful settlements of the conflict if it were not for the help and support provided to it by very well-known regional and international powers. The less blunt example of that is the interference of Hezbollah of Lebanon, which imposes. And in this regard, the Lebanese Government has to take appropriate actions to stop all interference from Lebanon in the conflict raging in Syria. It is extremely mortifying to hear the news and see evidence about the regime’s unscrupulous use of chemical weapons against its own people.
Ladies and gentlemen, this is what we can see when we observe the situation in Syria. We think it’s the time that we should shoulder our monumental responsibilities of working to put an end to what is going on in Syria if we want to fulfill our legal and moral obligations, taking into consideration that we cannot wait because of the failure of the Security Council members to reach an agreement and a solution of the crisis. We all know what I said in the meeting of Paris. I said that your countries have moved to respond to many other issues that are less severe and less urgent than the continuing bloodshed in Syria without waiting for the explicit mandate from the Security Council.
We are not talking about the military intervention here. We simply call for intervention to resolve the humanitarian tragedy. And this is to agree on a timeframe, the roadmap that brings about a peaceful solution (inaudible) the struggle of the Syrian opposition forces to establish a political system that guarantees freedom, dignity, and human rights for the Syrian people. This objective cannot be achieved without maintaining force balanced, on the ground, to force the regime to engage in Syria’s negotiations. Therefore, we have to extend all kinds of support toward the forces of the opposition to enable them to reach their legitimate goals and provide generous humanitarian assistance to the Syrian people inside the country and the Syrian refugees in the neighboring countries.
Ladies and gentlemen, the use of force may be necessary to reach rightness. The provision and use of arms might be the only way to achieve peace, especially in the Syrian case. As such, moral support alone shall not be enough to the Syrian people. We have to provide all kinds of support to the national coalition of Syrian revolution and opposition forces and the Supreme Military Council until they become capable of confronting the regime’s forces and the regional and international powers supporting it. It is very important to make it clear to everyone that our call to provide support to the Syrian opposition and its military council is previous from humanitarian objectives, and such support has become essential after the regime has spoiled, through its (inaudible) procrastination and maneuvers, all the sincere efforts to bring about a peaceful solution through which to protect Syria and reach the legitimate aspiration of its people.
We are not against (inaudible) a peaceful settlement and definitely we’ll support the convention of Geneva 2 to come to bring about a peaceful transfer of power in Syria through the formation of a free, authorized transitional government in which Bashar al-Assad and his associated whose hands are stained with blood cannot participate. We announce this; notwithstanding, the regime will do its utmost to prevent the convention of such conference or thwart it if it is held, because what this regime is truly concerned with is not a peaceful transfer of power and an end to the tragedy, but try to continue to scramble for power even if that is at the cost of a million deaths and millions of internally displaced people and refugees and destroy and partitioning Syria.
Before I conclude my speech, I would like to share with you the ideas that have been evolving in my mind as we pass through what I think an historic juncture. No doubt we worked on our positions of responsibility to express the interests of our countries through the resolutions that we adopt at the level of international relations. However, this should not make us ignore the judgment of history with regard to the legacy that we are going to leave for the future generations of our countries and worldwide. Accordingly, we have to do our utmost to serve humanity by the resolutions we take. In this context, I recall the objectives outlined in the introduction of the United Nations Charter, as prescribed as commitments by the nations of the world that governments should implement. Here is where the challenge we are facing lies. Are we ready to accept this challenge for the sake of humanity and the peoples of the world? I sincerely hope that we are, and thank you.
And now I leave the mike to Mr. John Kerry.
SECRETARY KERRY: Your Highness, Mr. Prime Minister and my colleagues, foreign ministers, your highnesses, it’s a privilege to be here with all of you. I want to thank Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim and the state of Qatar and the Emir for their hospitality today. We’re very, very appreciative for the opportunity to gather. I think this is the fourth time we have gathered as a group, from the so-called London 11 supporters, and this is really one of the most important meetings that we’ve had in the course of the number of meetings that have successively set out a set of principles by which we believe the conflict in Syria could, in fact, come to a conclusion.
We are enormously appreciative and thank you for your eloquent statement a few minutes ago. Our discussions here that we have just engaged in and that we will continue will reaffirm the belief of every country represented here and of many countries not represented here that the international community is strongly committed to ending the violence in Syria and to bringing about a peaceful resolution to the crisis. I would emphasize that every state represented here, and many who have spoken and who are not here, have not taken sides for the purpose of winning a conflict or of seeking a military victory; they have supported an opposition in an effort to seek a peaceful resolution where all of the people of Syria choose the future of Syria, where the future for Syria is not chosen by one man representing one family or one group that is willing and content to kill people of all backgrounds and all faiths and all beliefs simply to hold onto power. That is an enormous distinction in what brings us here as a group.
Today’s meeting is an opportunity for us to assess where we are and determine what we can do to further the goal I just stated. Our goal is not to win a victory for power or for one group that has held power for years. Our effort is to allow the people of Syria as a whole, with every minority respected and protected, to be able to choose the future for their country, and to do so in a climate of peace, in an absence of oppression and violence.
The fact is that we have come together to do all we can to create the conditions for the settlement that implements the Geneva 1 communiqué. The formula for a peaceful resolution to the conflict of Syria already exists. It was already agreed to by members – representatives of the United Nations, by the Arab League, by all of the countries here, and others who signed on to a process by which a transitional government would be put in place to end the conflict, that transitional government being chosen by mutual consent of both the Assad regime as well as the opposition, and that that would put in place the ability of the people of Syria to be able to choose their future.
This would be done by mutual consent, which means that both sides would have to be prepared to compromise; both sides would have to be prepared to come to the table to choose people who will protect not one side or the other, but will protect the rights of all Syrians, and most importantly, end the violence and protect the ability to have a peaceful resolution.
That exists; this is Geneva 1. It’s documented, it’s written, it’s been agreed to, and most importantly, the Russians signed on to this. They have agreed to this. And they agreed with me when I was in Moscow meeting with President Putin and Foreign Minister Lavrov. They agreed that the sole purpose of reconvening in Geneva for Geneva 2 – the sole purpose was to implement Geneva 1.
So that’s what brings us here today. And in the coming days, we will have an ability to be able to advance this effort, we hope sooner rather than later, to bring the parties together to end the violence. The opposition is prepared, as long as the circumstances are as defined, to implement Geneva 1 and all of the parties here are prepared to convene in order to end the violence and move to this transition and to the appropriate manner of allowing the people of Syria to choose their future.
In the next days, Under Secretary of State of the United States Wendy Sherman and Ambassador Robert Ford are prepared to go to Geneva. They will meet with Lakhdar Brahimi and with a Russian counterpart, and we will try to move forward from there. This meeting today also gives all of us a chance to discuss the efforts to increase and coordinate support for the Syrian political and military opposition for the purpose of being able to get to Geneva and to be able to address the imbalance on the ground that has occurred.
When this Geneva 2 was announced, Assad responded not by saying, "We welcome this as a way to be able to resolve the crisis of Syria," but he responded by bringing Iranians into his country – Iranian fighters and advisers – and by bringing Hezbollah, a designated terrorist organization, to cross the lines from Lebanon and engage in the fight on the ground. So Assad and the Assad regime’s response to a legitimate global effort to try to have a peace conference was to, in fact, militarize the efforts and internationalize that militarization, and make the region far more dangerous as a consequence. This step by Assad and his regime should concern countries all around the world.
The United States, through President Obama’s initiatives that he has already announced, remain committed to helping the people of Syria. At the recent G-8 Summit, President Obama pledged an additional $300 million in humanitarian assistance, bringing our total commitment to more than $800 million, and we’re proud to say more than any other country with respect to humanitarian aid. And we remain committed to forging – all of the ministers here are committed to forging a lasting political settlement. That is, as I said, laid out in the Geneva communiqué and we hope that in the next days we’ll be able to move to actually implement that.
His Highness, the Prime Minister, could not have said more eloquently what the impact of the current conflict is. Our friend here from Jordan, the Foreign Minister from Jordan, Nasser Judeh, has eloquently spoken about the impact of increasing numbers of refugees and life inside Jordan. While there aren’t camps, there’s an enormous impact of refugees in Lebanon, refugees in Turkey, and it is having a profound destabilizing effect, and one can only ask: What does it mean that almost 4 million people in a country have been driven out by their so-called leader and have to find safety and refuge in other countries?
The continued bloodshed at the hands of the Assad regime and the increasing involvement of Iran and its proxy, Hezbollah, threaten the very prospects of a political settlement and of peace. And the regime’s use of chemical weapons crosses President Obama’s and other nations’ red lines. We also condemn – all of us – any atrocity or any excess by any extremists or by any oppositionist group that might engage in it. All of this makes the urgency of the political solution far more compelling.
And that is why the United States and other countries here, in their various ways, each choosing its own approach, will increase the scope and scale of assistance to the political and military opposition. And that is why we are working with our allies gathered here today to coordinate our support for the Syrian coalition and the Supreme Military Council. And I emphasize, we do so not to seek a military solution; we do so to come to the table and find a political settlement. Reliable civilian governance and a stronger and more effective armed opposition will better enable the opposition to be able to provide the counterweight to the initiative of Assad to reach out across borders, trans-boundary, to bring Iranians and to bring Hezbollah – again, a terrorist organization – to the table. We believe that this can help build momentum towards the political negotiations that are so critical here.
Every minister at this table and millions of people in Syria and in the surrounding region hope and pray that we can find a peaceful solution of this conflict so that the Syrian people can have a real potential for transition to their future that provides the prosperous and peaceful and pluralistic, diverse Syria that existed before this conflict began. And it is our hope and prayer that this meeting will help contribute to that end. Thank you very much, Mr. Minister.
PRIME MINISTER HAMAD: Thank you, John. Thank you.
Thursday, June 20, 2013
U.S. STATEMENT ON "WORLD REFUGEE DAY"
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
World Refugee Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
June 20, 2013
Today, the United States joins the international community in honoring the resilience, courage, and determination of refugees all over the world, and the work of many countries in providing refuge, both temporary and permanent.
This year, the crisis in Syria has led to more than 4.25 million Syrians being displaced internally, more than 1.5 million becoming refugees, and millions more caught up in the unspeakable violence. Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey have opened their borders to those fleeing the bloodshed. We appreciate their generosity in hosting uprooted people and families, whether in refugee camps or local communities, and are proud that the United States is at the forefront of international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance.
The United States is the single largest donor to refugee relief efforts around the world, working to care for refugees displaced by other conflicts, including in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali, and Sudan, and we have helped address protracted refugee situations around the world, including those affecting Afghans, Burmese, Colombians, and Somalis.
We have seen some progress this year, thanks to the hard work and commitment of diplomats and aid workers everywhere, including staff of the organizations we support, such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and many nongovernmental organizations. In 2012, two of the most protracted refugee situations in Africa came to a close, with Liberia and Angola now stable after bitter civil wars. We have also taken extra steps to ensure greater protection for refugees against sexual violence and exploitation.
The United States has a proud tradition of welcoming those fleeing violence and persecution, including more than 58,000 refugees from 66 countries who were resettled to the United States in fiscal year 2012 and the nearly 70,000 refugees who are expected to arrive in the United States in the coming fiscal year to rebuild their lives. Their presence makes our country more diverse, our culture richer, and our national character stronger.
World Refugee Day
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
June 20, 2013
Today, the United States joins the international community in honoring the resilience, courage, and determination of refugees all over the world, and the work of many countries in providing refuge, both temporary and permanent.
This year, the crisis in Syria has led to more than 4.25 million Syrians being displaced internally, more than 1.5 million becoming refugees, and millions more caught up in the unspeakable violence. Jordan, Lebanon, and Turkey have opened their borders to those fleeing the bloodshed. We appreciate their generosity in hosting uprooted people and families, whether in refugee camps or local communities, and are proud that the United States is at the forefront of international efforts to provide humanitarian assistance.
The United States is the single largest donor to refugee relief efforts around the world, working to care for refugees displaced by other conflicts, including in the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Mali, and Sudan, and we have helped address protracted refugee situations around the world, including those affecting Afghans, Burmese, Colombians, and Somalis.
We have seen some progress this year, thanks to the hard work and commitment of diplomats and aid workers everywhere, including staff of the organizations we support, such as the UN High Commissioner for Refugees and many nongovernmental organizations. In 2012, two of the most protracted refugee situations in Africa came to a close, with Liberia and Angola now stable after bitter civil wars. We have also taken extra steps to ensure greater protection for refugees against sexual violence and exploitation.
The United States has a proud tradition of welcoming those fleeing violence and persecution, including more than 58,000 refugees from 66 countries who were resettled to the United States in fiscal year 2012 and the nearly 70,000 refugees who are expected to arrive in the United States in the coming fiscal year to rebuild their lives. Their presence makes our country more diverse, our culture richer, and our national character stronger.
Saturday, May 26, 2012
SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON ON LEBANON
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
The Situation in Lebanon
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
May 25, 2012
The United States is concerned that developments in Syria are contributing to instability in Lebanon. We encourage all parties to exercise restraint and demonstrate respect for Lebanon’s security and stability, consistent with United Nations Security Council Resolutions 1559 and 1701. We call on the Syrian regime to stop the violence against its own people and fully implement the Annan Plan. The regime needs to institute a peaceful, democratic transition now. We remain committed to a unified, stable, sovereign, and independent Lebanon.
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