FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Nonproliferation Remarks for Generation Prague
Remarks
Thomas M. Countryman
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation
George Washington University
Washington, DC
July 16, 2013
Introduction
Thank you, Bruce, for the generous introduction, and for USIP’s important contributions to nonproliferation and international security. I would like to thank all of you for attending this important event. This conference started four years ago as a way to highlight the important perspectives and contributions of the next generation as we move towards a world without nuclear weapons. Today, it’s grown into an internationally recognized event. The vision that President Obama described 4 years ago in Prague is alive and well. A few weeks ago in Berlin, the President announced a series of steps toward a safer, nuclear-free world.
Together, the State Department, the Department of Defense, and the Department of Energy are on the leading edge of implementing the Prague Agenda. Within this building, through the combined efforts of the International Security and Nonproliferation Bureau; the Bureau of Arms Control, Verification, and Compliance; and our regional bureaus, we help translate the President’s policy goals into action. You will be hearing from many of these key players today and tomorrow.
Let me say a word about you, the audience for this conference. This generation no longer needs to worry that its world could be destroyed overnight in a single flash of light. But while the threat of nuclear war between countries has receded, the world you will inherit is far more complex and, in some ways, more dangerous, with violent extremists lurking. More than a decade ago, Osama bin Laden proclaimed that “acquiring weapons (WMD) for the defense of Muslims is a religious duty.” And we know that several retired nuclear scientists met with Al Qaeda leaders in Afghanistan a month prior to the 9/11 terrorist attacks. The stakes are high: Just one nuclear weapon exploding near a major American city could potentially kill hundreds of thousands of people.
Fortunately, your generation is up to this challenge. At the 2010 Review Conference for the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty (NPT), youth representatives delivered a rousing statement to delegates advocating for a world without nuclear weapons. They represented over a quarter of the 2,000 accredited NGO participants. The new generation’s voice was similarly on display at May’s NPT Preparatory Committee meeting. The NPT and the international nonproliferation regime will continue to face challenges for years to come, so the efforts of young people are particularly important for safeguarding the world’s most dangerous weapons. We are all grateful to the various NGOs and academic institutions represented here today that have been bringing together government officials, NGOs, IGOs and the next generation to discuss these important issues.
The Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty
As many of you know, the NPT is the cornerstone of our nonproliferation diplomacy. In the Cuban Missile Crisis’s aftermath, President Kennedy saw a chance that as soon as a decade later, his successor would have to “face a world in which 15 or 20 or 25 nations may have these weapons.” Thanks in large part to the NPT, that dire prediction never came to pass. Today, its nearly 190 member countries have agreed to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, despite the capabilities many of them have to build them. The United States is committed to each of the Treaty’s three pillars: disarmament, nonproliferation, and the peaceful uses of nuclear energy. As President Obama said in Berlin, we have reduced the role and numbers of nuclear weapons in our national security strategy, strengthened our efforts to combat the spread of nuclear weapons, and expanded our support to countries seeking peaceful uses of nuclear energy.
As part of America’s leadership on nonproliferation, we are working tirelessly with regional parties to convene a conference on the Establishment of a Weapons of Mass Destruction Free Zone in the Middle East. We believe that such a Conference has the potential to foster official dialogue on regional security issues where none currently exists. And we are also working to make progress towards finalizing the Protocols for nuclear weapon-free zones in Central and Southeast Asia.
Now, unfortunately, not all countries are willing to comply with their NPT obligations. Iran, North Korea, and Syria’s history of noncompliance is the most obvious threat to the NPT. The United States will continue to work with our partners and the international community to address these challenges. Our nonproliferation cooperation with China, in particular, has deepened over the past year, as China recognizes the importance of preventing the transfer of nuclear and ballistic missile technology to Iran and North Korea, and has re-affirmed the importance of cooperation on nonproliferation issues to our respective bilateral relationship.
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), of course, lies at the center of these efforts. The United States and others are working together to support the IAEA’s nuclear monitoring efforts and to ensure the IAEA has the resources it needs for its important missions. Strengthening IAEA safeguards and helping states bring Additional Protocol agreements into force – 120 so far – is critical to security. The United States also has contributed generously to the IAEA’s Peaceful Uses Initiative, a U.S. initiative to raise $100 million over five years in support of peaceful nuclear applications in human health, water management, food safety, and the responsible use of nuclear power.
The PMDA
An important long-term initiative that advances NPT objectives and enhances international nuclear security is the U.S.-Russian Plutonium Disposition Agreement (PMDA). The PMDA, as it’s called, has enjoyed consistent bipartisan support under the Clinton, Bush, and Obama Administrations. The PMDA requires the United States and Russia each to dispose of 34 metric tons of weapon-grade plutonium – enough for 17,000 nuclear weapons. It establishes verification rules to ensure that both countries dispose of this dangerous material and that it will never again be used for weapons. The fact is there will be less separated plutonium and less global proliferation risk because of the obligations and constraints established by the PMDA. This is the kind of important work that’s required on the road to a nuclear-free world.
Nuclear Security
As President Obama discussed in Prague, nuclear terrorism remains the most immediate and extreme threat to global security. Our work to address this threat is strengthened by international processes, such as the historic 2010 and 2012 Nuclear Security Summits, which brought together global leaders to discuss the necessity of cooperation to reduce nuclear threats. By garnering high level attention to these grave threats, the Summit process has galvanized and sustained action at both the national and international level to maintain effective security of all nuclear and radiological materials. The United States has helped remove over 3.5 metric tons of vulnerable HEU and plutonium material from 23 countries. Overall, countries have made progress on, or completed, more than 95% of Summit commitments. The summit community hopes to build on this impressive track record at a third gathering in the Netherlands in 2014, and as President Obama announced last month, at a fourth summit right here in 2016. Happily, global enthusiasm remains high: the IAEA hosted this month a successful nuclear security conference that drew1300 registered participants from 125 member-states and 41 organizations.
A Renewed Focus on Implementation
The Prague Agenda also sought to strengthen international rules and activities that build capacity to implement nonproliferation objectives. These include UN Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1540, the Proliferation Security Initiative (PSI), and the Global Initiative to Combat Nuclear Terrorism (GINCT).
UNSCR 1540 establishes a firm international legal foundation for States to take action to enhance nonproliferation. UNSCR 1540 was adopted unanimously by the Security Council in 2004; it requires all States to adopt and enforce appropriate and effective measures to secure nuclear weapons, their delivery systems, and related materials, as well as implement effective border and export controls on nuclear materials. PSI began with less than twenty countries who wanted to establish a more coordinated and effective basis for conducting WMD interdictions. It now has over 100 participating states. In May 2013, the PSI marked its tenth anniversary with a high-level political meeting in Warsaw. More than70 countries publicly issued four joint statements laying out for the first time a de facto “program of action” over the next five years. States also announced specific steps to strengthen their domestic capacity for action against proliferation shipments. The President welcomed these tangible steps to “strengthen the PSI and sustain it as a core element of the international nonproliferation regime.”
Conclusion
As you can see, we’re hard at work every day trying to take concrete steps to implement the Prague Agenda. But the reality is that the journey to a safer, nuclear-free world has just begun, and we can’t get there alone. We most likely won’t get there in my life time but, gradually, small steps can build to produce a big change for the better. It’s going to take a lot of hard work and determination – by you – and people like you to arrive at this destination. But I have faith that your generation will make invaluable contributions to help make it all possible.
Showing posts with label NONPROLIFERATION. Show all posts
Showing posts with label NONPROLIFERATION. Show all posts
Thursday, July 18, 2013
Saturday, June 29, 2013
STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIAL TESTIFIES BEFORE HOUSE ON U.S.-REPUBLIC OF KOREA ALLIANCE
FROM: U.S. STATE DEPARTMENT
Next Steps in the U.S. - Republic of Korea Alliance
Testimony
James P. Zumwalt
Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Before the House Foreign Affairs CommitteeSubcommittee on Asia and the Pacific and Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade
Washington, DC
June 27, 2013
Chairman Chabot, Chairman Poe, Mr. Faleomavaega, Mr. Sherman, and Members of the Subcommittees, I am pleased to appear before you today to discuss this important topic. The U.S.-Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance is a linchpin of security and prosperity in Northeast Asia, and our bilateral ties have never been stronger. This year marks the 60th anniversary of the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty, the foundation of our alliance and a force for peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. Over the past six decades, our close cooperation has evolved into an increasingly global partnership, and our economic and people-to-people ties are as robust as ever. Today, while our alliance continues to counter the threat from North Korea, we are expanding our cooperation to meet 21st-century challenges on the Korean Peninsula, in the Asia-Pacific region, and beyond.
A Future-Oriented Alliance
During her May 8 address to a joint meeting of Congress, Republic of Korea President Park Geun-hye said: "Along our journey, we have been aided by great friends and among them, the United States is second to none." Our alliance was forged in shared sacrifice in the Korean War sixty years ago, and it continues to provide an anchor for peace and security in the region. Today, we continue to strengthen and adapt our alliance to meet existing and emerging security challenges.
As stated by Presidents Obama and Park in their May 7 joint declaration, we have made significant progress on the goals outlined in our 2009 Joint Vision for the Alliance statement. The blueprint for the future of our alliance includes our Strategic Alliance 2015 plan, which outlines the conditions for the transition of wartime operational control (OPCON) to a Republic of Korea-led defense in December 2015. Our two countries continue to improve our interoperability and readiness through annual joint and combined exercises, and through a bilateral Extended Deterrence Policy Committee that focuses on improving the effectiveness of extended deterrence against threats posed by North Korean nuclear and weapons of mass destruction programs.
Cooperation on Global Issues
Presidents Obama and Park on May 7 highlighted recent successes and publicly committed to deepening our cooperation on global challenges, an increasingly important pillar of the U.S.-ROK alliance. The Republic of Korea hosted the November 2010 G-20 Summit, the November 2011 Fourth High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, and the March 2012 Nuclear Security Summit. The Republic of Korea is currently a non-permanent member on the UN Security Council and our cooperation at the UN and in other multilateral fora has been excellent. We also have outstanding cooperation on countering biological threats, and just last week the Republic of Korea hosted our third bilateral, whole-of-government biopreparedness "Able Response" exercise.
U.S. and Korean soldiers serve side by side in Afghanistan, where the Republic of Korea is a major donor to reconstruction and stabilization efforts. The Republic of Korea has been a leader in supporting international efforts to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue, including by supporting Iran sanctions and significantly reducing imports of oil from Iran. We are working together on Syria, where the Republic of Korea is providing assistance to address the humanitarian needs of the Syrian people. In April, we held the second U.S.-ROK Africa Dialogue, to share views and advance our cooperation on economic development and political and security issues in Africa.
A Strong Economic Partnership
The engine of our alliance is our deep economic cooperation. The Republic of Korea is Asia’s fourth-largest economy and our seventh-largest trading partner; our two countries have one of the most vibrant trading relationships in the world, one that topped over $100 billion in 2012. The year 2013, in addition to marking the 60th anniversary of our alliance, also marks the first anniversary of the entry into force of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). The KORUS FTA is increasing trade and investment between our two countries, is providing significant new opportunities for U.S. exporters, businesses, workers, and farmers, and reflects the depth and maturity of our strategic relationship. Our two countries continue to work together closely to fully implement the KORUS FTA, and we look forward to even more economic benefits as more provisions of the agreement are implemented.
The landmark KORUS FTA is not simply focused on strengthening trade ties, but also deepens the political and strategic partnership with our key Asia-Pacific ally and demonstrates to Americans and Koreans alike that our relationship brings them real, practical benefits. Our commitment to the KORUS FTA enhances our credibility as a Pacific power and tells the world that we will remain engaged in the Asia-Pacific region. As President Park said before Congress last month, the KORUS FTA "helps underpin Washington’s rebalancing toward the region."
On the topic of economic development, there is no better example than the Republic of Korea, which has made extraordinary progress, from a recipient of foreign aid and Peace Corps volunteers in the past, to a thriving economic powerhouse and international aid donor today. The ROK example shows the benefits of investing in development aid and people-to-people ties, and we plan to further expand our development partnership with Korea on a global basis. Building on the development cooperation memorandum of understanding (MOU) we signed in 2011, the Peace Corps and the Korea International Cooperation Agency will sign an MOU to collaborate on global development and international volunteer programs. This type of cooperation not only advances our shared interests, but will help forge closer ties between future generations of young Americans and Koreans.
Strong Science and Technology Ties
Our substantial ties also include strong cooperation in science and technology, on cyber space and cyber security, and on climate change and energy. The United States and Republic of Korea are also global leaders and partners on peaceful nuclear energy. We both recently decided to seek an extension of our existing civil nuclear cooperation agreement which has benefitted our two countries for over four decades and are in the process of negotiating a successor agreement to continue and expand this longstanding and fruitful cooperation in the future. As President Obama said, "I believe that we can find a way to support South Korea’s energy and commercial needs even as we uphold our mutual commitments to prevent nuclear proliferation." The Administration is ready to work with Congress to achieve an early extension of the existing agreement, and we are grateful for your efforts on the related pending draft legislation. We are confident that our two governments can produce a successor agreement that advances both our shared nonproliferation and nuclear cooperation policy objectives.
Deep People-to-People Ties
The foundation of our alliance and our sixty years of partnership and shared prosperity rests on our people-to-people ties and our shared values—a commitment to freedom, democracy, and the rule of law. Ties between Americans and Koreans are deeper and tighter than ever: Last year more than one million South Koreans visited the United States. The Republic of Korea sends more university students to the United States per capita than any other major economy, over 72,000 per year—a strong vote of confidence in the U.S. education system and the future of U.S.-ROK ties. The United States is the clear top choice for Korean entrepreneurs and scientists seeking to create businesses and develop new technologies, and we support efforts to facilitate such exchanges.
Our countries are working to reinvigorate exchange programs between Americans and Koreans. In May, we jointly announced our intent to renew the Work, English, Study, and Travel (WEST) program, which provides an opportunity for qualified university students from Korea to study English, participate in internships, and travel independently in the United States. We are also expanding the U.S.-Korea Fulbright Program through the creation of two new Fulbright scholarships focused on U.S.-ROK alliance studies. Our International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), which brings promising young Korean leaders to the United States on professional exchanges, has had notable successes—over 100 current and former ROK legislators and multiple cabinet ministers have been IVLP alumni.
Perhaps the most important example of our close ties is the proud legacy of Korean-Americans—over two million strong—who have made crucial contributions to America’s prosperity, defended America’s freedom, added their own unique qualities to America’s culture, and distinguished themselves in academia, science, medicine, business, and athletics. Korean-Americans increase the strength and vitality of our strong partnership.
DPRK
Let me turn now to perhaps the greatest challenge our alliance faces—North Korea. Many of the DPRK’s provocations in recent months—from its missile launch in December to its third nuclear test in February and subsequent bellicose rhetoric —have directly targeted the United States and the Republic of Korea. Let me be clear: the United States remains fully committed to the defense of the Republic of Korea, and we will continue to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with our ally in the face of these North Korean provocations, including through extended deterrence and the full range of U.S. military capabilities, both conventional and nuclear.
Despite the DPRK’s recent overtures in the region and outreach to counterparts in the Six-Party process, we have yet to see concrete steps suggesting that North Korea is prepared to negotiate on the key issue of paramount concern: the verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We continue to coordinate closely with the ROK, as well as other Six-Party partners, on North Korea policy. The United States remains committed to authentic and credible negotiations to implement the September 2005 Joint Statement of the Six-Party Talks and to bring North Korea into compliance with its international obligations through irreversible steps leading to denuclearization. We will not accept North Korea as a nuclear-armed state, nor will we reward the DPRK for the absence of bad behavior, or compensate the DPRK merely for returning to dialogue. We have also made clear that U.S.-DPRK relations cannot fundamentally improve without sustained improvement in inter-Korean relations, which we support.
Like the Republic of Korea, the United States remains gravely concerned about the deplorable human rights situation in the DPRK and about the well-being of the North Korean people. With the co-sponsorship of the United States, Republic of Korea, Japan, the European Union, and others, the UN Human Rights Council in March established an independent one-year Commission of Inquiry to investigate and report to the international community on North Korea’s widespread, systemic human rights violations. Ambassador Robert King and Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Labor, and Human Rights Deputy Assistant Secretary Dan Baer recently organized the latest in a series of face-to-face consultations with the ROK and other key partners on ways to enhance pressure on Pyongyang to improve its human rights record.
The Future of the U.S.-ROK Alliance
Our sixty-year-strong alliance is rooted in our legacy of sacrifice, our shared interests in the Asia-Pacific region and around the world, our deep economic ties, and most importantly, our shared values and strong personal friendships that have developed from extensive people-to-people ties. The alliance has never been stronger and both our countries are actively working to prepare our alliance for the years to come. As President Park said to Congress in May, our efforts portray a "forward-leaning alliance" and "point to a 21st-century partnership that is both comprehensive and strategic."
President Park’s landmark visit to Washington this past May—a visit by Northeast Asia’s first modern-day female head of state—opens a new chapter in our alliance and partnership. We welcome the Republic of Korea’s growing leadership on the world stage and the United States is fully committed to this alliance, which is a force for peace and security not just on the Korean Peninsula, but in the region and around the globe. We are heartened that support for the alliance from the American and Korean people is at an all-time high: recent polls show that over 80 percent of Koreans support the alliance. Strong and enduring Congressional support for the Republic of Korea and for our alliance and partnership has been critical to the success of our relationship for the last six decades, and will be even more important in the decades to come.
Thank you for inviting me to testify on this important topic. I am happy to answer any questions you may have.
Next Steps in the U.S. - Republic of Korea Alliance
Testimony
James P. Zumwalt
Acting Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of East Asian and Pacific Affairs
Before the House Foreign Affairs CommitteeSubcommittee on Asia and the Pacific and Subcommittee on Terrorism, Nonproliferation, and Trade
Washington, DC
June 27, 2013
Chairman Chabot, Chairman Poe, Mr. Faleomavaega, Mr. Sherman, and Members of the Subcommittees, I am pleased to appear before you today to discuss this important topic. The U.S.-Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance is a linchpin of security and prosperity in Northeast Asia, and our bilateral ties have never been stronger. This year marks the 60th anniversary of the U.S.-ROK Mutual Defense Treaty, the foundation of our alliance and a force for peace and stability on the Korean Peninsula. Over the past six decades, our close cooperation has evolved into an increasingly global partnership, and our economic and people-to-people ties are as robust as ever. Today, while our alliance continues to counter the threat from North Korea, we are expanding our cooperation to meet 21st-century challenges on the Korean Peninsula, in the Asia-Pacific region, and beyond.
A Future-Oriented Alliance
During her May 8 address to a joint meeting of Congress, Republic of Korea President Park Geun-hye said: "Along our journey, we have been aided by great friends and among them, the United States is second to none." Our alliance was forged in shared sacrifice in the Korean War sixty years ago, and it continues to provide an anchor for peace and security in the region. Today, we continue to strengthen and adapt our alliance to meet existing and emerging security challenges.
As stated by Presidents Obama and Park in their May 7 joint declaration, we have made significant progress on the goals outlined in our 2009 Joint Vision for the Alliance statement. The blueprint for the future of our alliance includes our Strategic Alliance 2015 plan, which outlines the conditions for the transition of wartime operational control (OPCON) to a Republic of Korea-led defense in December 2015. Our two countries continue to improve our interoperability and readiness through annual joint and combined exercises, and through a bilateral Extended Deterrence Policy Committee that focuses on improving the effectiveness of extended deterrence against threats posed by North Korean nuclear and weapons of mass destruction programs.
Cooperation on Global Issues
Presidents Obama and Park on May 7 highlighted recent successes and publicly committed to deepening our cooperation on global challenges, an increasingly important pillar of the U.S.-ROK alliance. The Republic of Korea hosted the November 2010 G-20 Summit, the November 2011 Fourth High-Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, and the March 2012 Nuclear Security Summit. The Republic of Korea is currently a non-permanent member on the UN Security Council and our cooperation at the UN and in other multilateral fora has been excellent. We also have outstanding cooperation on countering biological threats, and just last week the Republic of Korea hosted our third bilateral, whole-of-government biopreparedness "Able Response" exercise.
U.S. and Korean soldiers serve side by side in Afghanistan, where the Republic of Korea is a major donor to reconstruction and stabilization efforts. The Republic of Korea has been a leader in supporting international efforts to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue, including by supporting Iran sanctions and significantly reducing imports of oil from Iran. We are working together on Syria, where the Republic of Korea is providing assistance to address the humanitarian needs of the Syrian people. In April, we held the second U.S.-ROK Africa Dialogue, to share views and advance our cooperation on economic development and political and security issues in Africa.
A Strong Economic Partnership
The engine of our alliance is our deep economic cooperation. The Republic of Korea is Asia’s fourth-largest economy and our seventh-largest trading partner; our two countries have one of the most vibrant trading relationships in the world, one that topped over $100 billion in 2012. The year 2013, in addition to marking the 60th anniversary of our alliance, also marks the first anniversary of the entry into force of the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement (KORUS FTA). The KORUS FTA is increasing trade and investment between our two countries, is providing significant new opportunities for U.S. exporters, businesses, workers, and farmers, and reflects the depth and maturity of our strategic relationship. Our two countries continue to work together closely to fully implement the KORUS FTA, and we look forward to even more economic benefits as more provisions of the agreement are implemented.
The landmark KORUS FTA is not simply focused on strengthening trade ties, but also deepens the political and strategic partnership with our key Asia-Pacific ally and demonstrates to Americans and Koreans alike that our relationship brings them real, practical benefits. Our commitment to the KORUS FTA enhances our credibility as a Pacific power and tells the world that we will remain engaged in the Asia-Pacific region. As President Park said before Congress last month, the KORUS FTA "helps underpin Washington’s rebalancing toward the region."
On the topic of economic development, there is no better example than the Republic of Korea, which has made extraordinary progress, from a recipient of foreign aid and Peace Corps volunteers in the past, to a thriving economic powerhouse and international aid donor today. The ROK example shows the benefits of investing in development aid and people-to-people ties, and we plan to further expand our development partnership with Korea on a global basis. Building on the development cooperation memorandum of understanding (MOU) we signed in 2011, the Peace Corps and the Korea International Cooperation Agency will sign an MOU to collaborate on global development and international volunteer programs. This type of cooperation not only advances our shared interests, but will help forge closer ties between future generations of young Americans and Koreans.
Strong Science and Technology Ties
Our substantial ties also include strong cooperation in science and technology, on cyber space and cyber security, and on climate change and energy. The United States and Republic of Korea are also global leaders and partners on peaceful nuclear energy. We both recently decided to seek an extension of our existing civil nuclear cooperation agreement which has benefitted our two countries for over four decades and are in the process of negotiating a successor agreement to continue and expand this longstanding and fruitful cooperation in the future. As President Obama said, "I believe that we can find a way to support South Korea’s energy and commercial needs even as we uphold our mutual commitments to prevent nuclear proliferation." The Administration is ready to work with Congress to achieve an early extension of the existing agreement, and we are grateful for your efforts on the related pending draft legislation. We are confident that our two governments can produce a successor agreement that advances both our shared nonproliferation and nuclear cooperation policy objectives.
Deep People-to-People Ties
The foundation of our alliance and our sixty years of partnership and shared prosperity rests on our people-to-people ties and our shared values—a commitment to freedom, democracy, and the rule of law. Ties between Americans and Koreans are deeper and tighter than ever: Last year more than one million South Koreans visited the United States. The Republic of Korea sends more university students to the United States per capita than any other major economy, over 72,000 per year—a strong vote of confidence in the U.S. education system and the future of U.S.-ROK ties. The United States is the clear top choice for Korean entrepreneurs and scientists seeking to create businesses and develop new technologies, and we support efforts to facilitate such exchanges.
Our countries are working to reinvigorate exchange programs between Americans and Koreans. In May, we jointly announced our intent to renew the Work, English, Study, and Travel (WEST) program, which provides an opportunity for qualified university students from Korea to study English, participate in internships, and travel independently in the United States. We are also expanding the U.S.-Korea Fulbright Program through the creation of two new Fulbright scholarships focused on U.S.-ROK alliance studies. Our International Visitor Leadership Program (IVLP), which brings promising young Korean leaders to the United States on professional exchanges, has had notable successes—over 100 current and former ROK legislators and multiple cabinet ministers have been IVLP alumni.
Perhaps the most important example of our close ties is the proud legacy of Korean-Americans—over two million strong—who have made crucial contributions to America’s prosperity, defended America’s freedom, added their own unique qualities to America’s culture, and distinguished themselves in academia, science, medicine, business, and athletics. Korean-Americans increase the strength and vitality of our strong partnership.
DPRK
Let me turn now to perhaps the greatest challenge our alliance faces—North Korea. Many of the DPRK’s provocations in recent months—from its missile launch in December to its third nuclear test in February and subsequent bellicose rhetoric —have directly targeted the United States and the Republic of Korea. Let me be clear: the United States remains fully committed to the defense of the Republic of Korea, and we will continue to stand shoulder-to-shoulder with our ally in the face of these North Korean provocations, including through extended deterrence and the full range of U.S. military capabilities, both conventional and nuclear.
Despite the DPRK’s recent overtures in the region and outreach to counterparts in the Six-Party process, we have yet to see concrete steps suggesting that North Korea is prepared to negotiate on the key issue of paramount concern: the verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. We continue to coordinate closely with the ROK, as well as other Six-Party partners, on North Korea policy. The United States remains committed to authentic and credible negotiations to implement the September 2005 Joint Statement of the Six-Party Talks and to bring North Korea into compliance with its international obligations through irreversible steps leading to denuclearization. We will not accept North Korea as a nuclear-armed state, nor will we reward the DPRK for the absence of bad behavior, or compensate the DPRK merely for returning to dialogue. We have also made clear that U.S.-DPRK relations cannot fundamentally improve without sustained improvement in inter-Korean relations, which we support.
Like the Republic of Korea, the United States remains gravely concerned about the deplorable human rights situation in the DPRK and about the well-being of the North Korean people. With the co-sponsorship of the United States, Republic of Korea, Japan, the European Union, and others, the UN Human Rights Council in March established an independent one-year Commission of Inquiry to investigate and report to the international community on North Korea’s widespread, systemic human rights violations. Ambassador Robert King and Department of State Bureau of Democracy, Labor, and Human Rights Deputy Assistant Secretary Dan Baer recently organized the latest in a series of face-to-face consultations with the ROK and other key partners on ways to enhance pressure on Pyongyang to improve its human rights record.
The Future of the U.S.-ROK Alliance
Our sixty-year-strong alliance is rooted in our legacy of sacrifice, our shared interests in the Asia-Pacific region and around the world, our deep economic ties, and most importantly, our shared values and strong personal friendships that have developed from extensive people-to-people ties. The alliance has never been stronger and both our countries are actively working to prepare our alliance for the years to come. As President Park said to Congress in May, our efforts portray a "forward-leaning alliance" and "point to a 21st-century partnership that is both comprehensive and strategic."
President Park’s landmark visit to Washington this past May—a visit by Northeast Asia’s first modern-day female head of state—opens a new chapter in our alliance and partnership. We welcome the Republic of Korea’s growing leadership on the world stage and the United States is fully committed to this alliance, which is a force for peace and security not just on the Korean Peninsula, but in the region and around the globe. We are heartened that support for the alliance from the American and Korean people is at an all-time high: recent polls show that over 80 percent of Koreans support the alliance. Strong and enduring Congressional support for the Republic of Korea and for our alliance and partnership has been critical to the success of our relationship for the last six decades, and will be even more important in the decades to come.
Thank you for inviting me to testify on this important topic. I am happy to answer any questions you may have.
Tuesday, March 26, 2013
STATEMENT ON ARMS TRADE TREATY IN PLENARY
FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
U.S. Statement on the Arms Trade Treaty in Plenary
Remarks
Thomas Countryman
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation
Arms Trade Treaty Conference
New York City
March 25, 2013
Thank you, Mr. President. For years now, the United States has sought to achieve an Arms Trade Treaty that is strong, meaningful, and implementable -- a treaty on which the United States could join consensus, a treaty the U.S. government could sign, and ultimately recommend to our Senate for ratification. Thanks to you, Mr. President and your exceptional team, that goal is in sight and the U.S. will spare no effort to achieve it.
To give you examples of how hard we have worked with you and other delegations, let me mention Article 6, which was just mentioned by our friend from Norway. Last week, we endorsed a suggestion by Japan, which we saw as a sound basis for negotiation, and which led to a discussion among the U.S. and many others that has made real progress towards addressing an important issue. We will, of course, take this latest proposal by Norway into consideration. Article 6 and 7 together are the heart of the treaty, a barrier against the misuse of conventional arms.
We have worked toward a compromise on Article 5.2 but none has been found. In the end, we cannot accept language that is contrary to the plain meaning of the treaty.
My delegation came to this final UN conference prepared to work, as the General Assembly decided, on the basis of the July 26 text, a text that had its flaws but was the result of real, politically balanced compromise, a text that would both be meaningful and attract the widest possible consensus. At that time, 90 countries said they could accept that text. Since that time, your March 22 text is stronger, clearer, and more implementable. I would hope all those who could accept the July text could accept this stronger one.
Let me remind you that this is not an arms control treaty, not a disarmament treaty -- it is a trade treaty regulating a legitimate activity. Allow me to comment on its two primary purposes. A minimum requirement for national action is to regulate, in a fashion that will curb abuses against humanity and common sense, what is, nonetheless, a very legitimate international activity: the transfer of conventional arms to enhance, rather than undermine, peace and security -- this is the heart of the regulation provisions. This text contains strong language on these points that would bring the world closer to the standard of the United States and other major exporters. On the second major goal, combating diversion, we are prepared to work on meaningful language either in a separate article or in clauses throughout the text. Some diversion occurs between exporter and importer. More diversion occurs after receipt by the importer. To address all aspects of diversion, we are ready to work on meaningful language that expands international cooperation but recognize it must have language that respects domestic jurisdictions over domestic criminal activity.
Let’s be honest with each other; we are barely 48 hours away from a final text. It is much too late to try to reopen some of the hard-fought compromises that were achieved last July -- or to push the treaty into something new. The U.S., like other delegations, has been constructive and leaned forward as much as we could, but trying to stretch that attitude into new topics at this point in time simply risks the rubber band snapping back and leaving us with a far less useful result than we already have seen. So I would urge my colleagues to keep their focus on the object we share: ensuring that we produce and agree on, at the end of the week, an instrument that will optimize -- not maximize, but optimize -- the prospects for completing the full process of making an effective Arms Trade Treaty a working and living instrument.
U.S. Statement on the Arms Trade Treaty in Plenary
Remarks
Thomas Countryman
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation
Arms Trade Treaty Conference
New York City
March 25, 2013
Thank you, Mr. President. For years now, the United States has sought to achieve an Arms Trade Treaty that is strong, meaningful, and implementable -- a treaty on which the United States could join consensus, a treaty the U.S. government could sign, and ultimately recommend to our Senate for ratification. Thanks to you, Mr. President and your exceptional team, that goal is in sight and the U.S. will spare no effort to achieve it.
To give you examples of how hard we have worked with you and other delegations, let me mention Article 6, which was just mentioned by our friend from Norway. Last week, we endorsed a suggestion by Japan, which we saw as a sound basis for negotiation, and which led to a discussion among the U.S. and many others that has made real progress towards addressing an important issue. We will, of course, take this latest proposal by Norway into consideration. Article 6 and 7 together are the heart of the treaty, a barrier against the misuse of conventional arms.
We have worked toward a compromise on Article 5.2 but none has been found. In the end, we cannot accept language that is contrary to the plain meaning of the treaty.
My delegation came to this final UN conference prepared to work, as the General Assembly decided, on the basis of the July 26 text, a text that had its flaws but was the result of real, politically balanced compromise, a text that would both be meaningful and attract the widest possible consensus. At that time, 90 countries said they could accept that text. Since that time, your March 22 text is stronger, clearer, and more implementable. I would hope all those who could accept the July text could accept this stronger one.
Let me remind you that this is not an arms control treaty, not a disarmament treaty -- it is a trade treaty regulating a legitimate activity. Allow me to comment on its two primary purposes. A minimum requirement for national action is to regulate, in a fashion that will curb abuses against humanity and common sense, what is, nonetheless, a very legitimate international activity: the transfer of conventional arms to enhance, rather than undermine, peace and security -- this is the heart of the regulation provisions. This text contains strong language on these points that would bring the world closer to the standard of the United States and other major exporters. On the second major goal, combating diversion, we are prepared to work on meaningful language either in a separate article or in clauses throughout the text. Some diversion occurs between exporter and importer. More diversion occurs after receipt by the importer. To address all aspects of diversion, we are ready to work on meaningful language that expands international cooperation but recognize it must have language that respects domestic jurisdictions over domestic criminal activity.
Let’s be honest with each other; we are barely 48 hours away from a final text. It is much too late to try to reopen some of the hard-fought compromises that were achieved last July -- or to push the treaty into something new. The U.S., like other delegations, has been constructive and leaned forward as much as we could, but trying to stretch that attitude into new topics at this point in time simply risks the rubber band snapping back and leaving us with a far less useful result than we already have seen. So I would urge my colleagues to keep their focus on the object we share: ensuring that we produce and agree on, at the end of the week, an instrument that will optimize -- not maximize, but optimize -- the prospects for completing the full process of making an effective Arms Trade Treaty a working and living instrument.
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