STATEMENT ON U.S-JAPAN COMPREHENSIVE DIALOGUE ON SPACE

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Joint Statement from the First Meeting of the Japan-U.S. Comprehensive Dialogue on Space
Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
March 11, 2013
Following is the text of a joint statement issued by the United States of America and the Government of Japan at the conclusion of the First Meeting of the Japan-U.S. Comprehensive Dialogue on Space.

Begin Text:

Pursuant to their shared goal of advancing bilateral space cooperation as declared by their leaders, the Government of Japan and the Government of the United States of America held their first meeting of the Comprehensive Dialogue on Space in Tokyo on March 11, 2013.

This meeting was co-chaired by the representatives from the Foreign Policy Bureau, Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Office of National Space Policy, Cabinet Office from the Japanese side, and by the representatives from the Executive Office of the President’s National Security Staff and Office of Science and Technology Policy for the United States. Principal participants were Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry, Ministry of Environment, Ministry of Defense, Japan Coast Guard, and Japan Aerospace Exploration Agency from Japanese side and Department of State, Department of Defense, and National Aeronautics and Space Administration from the U.S. side.

The convening of this first Comprehensive Dialogue on Space begins a new initiative to enhance cooperation between two of the world’s most advanced spacefaring nations from a broad, inclusive, and strategic perspective. With the participation of experts from across both governments, the Dialogue ensures a whole-of-government approach to space issues and space cooperation relevant to a wide range of interests, including resource and disaster management, environmental monitoring, technology development, scientific discovery, national and international security, and economic growth.

At the inaugural meeting, U.S. and Japanese officials exchanged information on respective space policies, including Japan’s newly formulated Basic Plan on Space Policy. They conducted discussions for further collaboration in positioning, navigation, and timing services from the U.S. Global Positioning System (GPS) and the Japanese Quasi-Zenith Satellite System (QZSS), as well as Earth observation, data exchange, and space science, to include weather observation from space and asteroid detection and mitigation to protect the planet. In addition, both sides shared the intention to continue cooperation on the International Space Station and discussions regarding future space exploration activities.

The parties discussed space security cooperation and confirmed their interest in furthering, bilateral Space Situational Awareness (SSA). Both sides also welcomed an ad referendum agreement reached on a legal framework for SSA Services and Information provision from the U.S. side to the Japanese side in negotiations on March 7, 2013.

Both sides also re-affirmed their interest in collaboration in the use of space for Maritime Domain Awareness, and the pursuit of transparency and confidence-building measures (TCBMs) for space activities, including the proposed International Code of Conduct for Outer Space Activities.

Both governments confirmed the importance of the Comprehensive Dialogue on Space which will continue to guide overall bilateral space cooperation policies, and reaffirmed that this Dialogue would strengthen cooperative relations between the two countries.

Both sides concurred on holding the second meeting of the Dialogue in Washington D.C. early next year.

SECRETARY OF STATE KERRY STATEMENT ON ANNIVERSARY OF GREAT EARTHQUAKE IN JAPAN

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE
Marking the Second Anniversary of the Great East Japan Earthquake
Press Statement
John Kerry
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
March 8, 2013
　

Two years ago, Japan endured unimaginable disaster following the earthquake, tsunami, and nuclear crisis of March 11, 2011. As we remember the tragic events surrounding the Great East Japan Earthquake, and mourn the victims, we also recall that the world marveled at the resiliency and dignity of the Japanese people as they worked to overcome the tragedy. Over the past two years, Japan has made steady progress in its recovery and rebuilding efforts – and I’m pleased that the United States has been able to play a role in this process.

The partnership between the United States and Japan is built on the bedrock of our shared values, and one of those values is that we help each other in times of need. Just as Japan came to our aid after disasters such as Hurricane Katrina, we in the United States did not hesitate to lend a helping hand to Japan after March 11. The seamless cooperation between the U.S. military and the Japanese Self-Defense Forces during "Operation Tomodachi" – named after the Japanese word for "friend" – helped tens of thousands of people, and demonstrated to the world the deep and enduring strength of the U.S.-Japan Alliance for peace. Looking forward, our "TOMODACHI Initiative" is a public-private partnership that continues the same spirit of friendship by increasing bilateral exchange between young Americans and Japanese.

Our thoughts and prayers continue to be with those who lost loved ones. While observing this sad anniversary, we also recall and renew the deep bonds of friendship that connect us across the Pacific Ocean.

PUTTING AN END TO HUMAN TRAFFICKING

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE

The Fight to End Human Trafficking Contineus
November 21st, 2012
Posted by Tracy Russo

Deputy Attorney General James Cole met with Jada Pinkett Smith last week to discuss the department’s extensive efforts to end human trafficking. Ms. Pinkett Smith founded the organization,
Don’t Sell Bodies, to raise awareness about this global epidemic and advocate for victims of trafficking. Ms. Pinkett Smith was joined by former trafficking victims who now work to raise awareness and eliminate human trafficking, including Minh Dang and Withelma "T" Ortiz-Macey, Glamour magazine’s 2011 Woman of the Year.

During the meeting the group discussed remarks made by Deputy Cole before the INTERPOL General Assembly in Italy earlier this month, which largely focused on the department’s myriad of efforts to combat trafficking, including the links between transnational organized crime and human trafficking and the department’s prosecution and training efforts in this area.

Human trafficking cases are prosecuted by several Department of Justice components, including the Civil Rights Division and its specialized Human Trafficking Prosecution Unit, the Criminal Division through the Child Exploitation and Obscenity Section, and individual U.S. Attorney’s Offices. These cases are investigated by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Department of Homeland Security’s Immigration and Customs Enforcement/Homeland Security Investigations, and partners at the Departments of Labor and State.

In recent years we have demonstrated unprecedented success in fighting both labor and sex trafficking. We are bringing a record number of federal cases, while at the same time, more states than ever before have passed their own anti-trafficking laws. The department has increased the number of human trafficking prosecutions by more than 30 percent in forced labor and adult sex trafficking cases, while also increasing the number of convictions in Innocence Lost National Initiative cases by 30 percent.

Working with federal, state, local, and international law enforcement agencies, we recently secured the longest sentence ever imposed in a forced labor case. In United States v. Botsvynyuk, the lead defendant was sentenced to life in prison plus twenty years, and his co-conspirator was sentenced to twenty years, for their respective roles in an organized human trafficking scheme that held its victims in forced labor on cleaning crews in and around Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.

Just over a year ago, we initiated a pilot project of multi-agency Anti-Trafficking Coordination Teams (ACTeams) in six judicial districts in the United States. These task forces will prove the value of interagency coordination to address the scourge of human trafficking. In addition to the ACTeams, each U.S. Attorney now participates in some form of anti-trafficking task force.

In addition to our own federal prosecutions, the department’s grant making components are funding state and local law enforcement agencies and victim services organizations to support multidisciplinary, victim-centered task forces dedicated to investigating trafficking crimes and providing culturally-competent assistance to victims.

By taking a multi-disciplinary approach to combating human trafficking and working with our federal, state local and nonprofit partners we can ensure that victims obtain the services that they need and that offenders are prosecuted and sentenced to lengthy jail sentences.

U.S.-LEBANAN MEETING ON MIDDLE EAST ISSUES

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Deputy Secretary Burns' Meeting with former Lebanese Prime Minister Siniora

Media Note
Office of the Spokesperson
Washington, DC
November 14, 2012

Deputy Secretary William Burns met former Lebanese Prime Minister Fouad Siniora at the Department of State yesterday afternoon. The two discussed ongoing developments in Lebanon and the broader situation in the Middle East. The Deputy Secretary emphasized the United States’ commitment to a stable, sovereign, and independent Lebanon.

Deputy Secretary Burns and former Prime Minister Siniora agreed on the importance of responsible Lebanese political leaders coming together to forge agreement on a process to form a new government that reflects the aspirations of the Lebanese people. They discussed the importance of holding accountable the perpetrators of the October 19 terrorist attack and other attacks to deter the use of assassination as a political tool and end the era of impunity in Lebanon.

The Deputy Secretary and former Prime Minister Siniora discussed the crisis in Syria. Deputy Secretary Burns reaffirmed our support for the Syrian Opposition Coalition as it charts a course toward the start of a peaceful, just, and democratic future for the Syrian people. Deputy Secretary Burns also reiterated our support for the creation of a Palestinian state as part of a two-state solution and as the result of direct negotiations, without preconditions, between the Israelis and Palestinians.

COMBATING SOMALI PIRATES

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

The U.S. Government's Approach to Countering Somali Piracy

Remarks
Thomas Kelly
Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary, Bureau of Political-Military Affairs
Remarks at Combating Piracy Week
London, United Kingdom
October 25, 2012
Thank you. It’s my great pleasure to be here at Combating Piracy Week.

Today, I want to talk to you about the progress that has been made in combating piracy off the coast of Somalia – and the task that remains.

I am pleased to say that we have made remarkable progress. In 2007 and 2008, pirate attacks off the coast of Somalia began to escalate dramatically. A vicious and reinforcing cycle was forming. Motivated by escalating ransom payments – which grew into the millions of dollars – and a lack of other employment opportunities, more and more Somali men took to the waters. Piracy, as a result, went from a fairly ad hoc, disorganized endeavor to a highly developed transnational criminal enterprise. Flush with money, pirates were able to improve their capabilities and expand their operations further and further away from shore.

Since that time, Somali pirates have hijacked more than 175 vessels and attacked more than 400 vessels that we know of, likely many others. They have kidnapped thousands of crewmembers from over 40 countries. Pirates still hold hostages from at least 20 countries.

In a globalized world, the impact of piracy in one area can ripple across the globe. People in countries around the world depend on secure and reliable shipping lanes for their food, their energy, and their consumer goods brought by cargo ships and tankers. By preying on commercial ships in one of the world’s busiest shipping lanes, pirates off the Horn of Africa threaten more than just individual ships. They threaten a central artery of the global economy -- and that means that they threaten global security and exact a painful toll.

Action had to be taken. While there seemed to be no limit to the growth of piracy, through the collective effort of the United States, the UK, NATO, the EU, the broader international community, and the private sector, we are now seeing signs of dramatic progress.

Today, I can report that, according to figures from the U.S. Navy, we are on track to experience a 75 percent decline in pirate attacks this year compared with 2011. We are seeing fewer attempted attacks in no small measure because pirates were less successful at hijacking ships. In 2011, the number of successful pirate attacks fell by half. This year, in 2012, the number of successful attacks has continued to decline. To date, pirates have captured ten vessels this year, compared to 34 in 2011 and 68 in 2010. The last successful Somali pirate attack on a major commercial vessel was more than five months ago on May 10, 2012. The lack of success at sea means that pirates are holding fewer and fewer hostages. In January 2011, pirates held 31 ships and 710 hostages. Today, pirates hold five ships and 143 hostages. That is roughly a 75 percent reduction in ships and hostages held by pirates since January 2011. While this is still unacceptably high, the trend is clear. We are making significant progress.

Today, I want to talk about the U.S. government response to piracy. In combating piracy, the United States has pursued an integrated multi-dimensional approach that is rooted in what Secretary Clinton described as "smart power." This approach has involved utilizing every tool in our tool kit. It has focused on:
Diplomatic engagement: by diplomatically engaging the international community to spur collective international action;
Military power: by expanding security at sea through the use of naval assets to defend private vessels and to disrupt pirate attacks;
Collaboration with the private sector:
by encouraging and empowering industry to take steps to protect itself;
Legal enforcement:
by using our legal tools to deter piracy through effective legal prosecution and incarceration;
Targeting networks:
by utilizing our investigative and financial tracking capabilities to target pirate networks, their financing and their ringleaders ashore;
And lastly development and governance: by working with our Somali partners to build responsive and credible governing institutions as well as effective law enforcement in Somalia.
I would like to talk about each of these areas in a bit more detail.

MULTILATERAL APPROACH

First, our diplomatic efforts.

While the problem of piracy of the Horn of Africa was a problem that affected the United States, piracy affects the whole international community. It could only be effectively addressed through broad, coordinated, and comprehensive international action.

From the beginning, the United States adopted a multilateral approach focused on addressing this issue as a shared challenge. For our part, the United States has helped lead the international response and galvanize international action. In January 2009, the United States helped establish the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia to both prompt action and coordinate the efforts to suppress Somali piracy. The Contact Group is based on voluntary membership and was established concurrent with the UN Security Council’s passage of Resolution 1851 in 2008. It now includes over 70 nations as well as international and maritime industry organizations, to help coordinate national and international counter-piracy policies and actions.

The Contact Group helps galvanize action and coordinate the counter-piracy efforts of states, as well as regional and international organizations. A number of specialized working groups were established within the Contact Group to address a variety of subjects, including, naval coordination at sea, judicial and legal issues related to anti-piracy efforts, and the disposition of captured pirates; and public diplomacy programs in Somalia to discourage piracy. While we don’t always agree on everything, we agree on a lot, and this coordinated international engagement has spawned action.

Additionally, to utilize resources effectively and prevent duplication, a UN- managed Trust Fund to support counter-piracy initiatives was established. Through contributions from states and the private sector, the Trust Fund has funded a range of initiatives designed to counter-piracy and build capacity ashore. This includes the construction of prisons, the training of judicial officials, and the purchase of equipment for law enforcement in Somalia. It has also helped underwrite the cost of piracy trials for countries in the region.

MILITARY

A second area of emphasis was to expand the naval forces in the region.

Critical to the decline in piracy has been the deployment of naval forces. At sea the United States and others have responded by deploying naval assets to conduct counter-piracy operations. The United States established Combined Task Force 151 – a multinational task force charged with conducting counter-piracy naval patrols in the Gulf of Aden and in Indian Ocean waters off the eastern coast of Somalia, covering an area of over one million square miles.

In addition, there are a number of coordinated multinational naval patrols off the Horn of Africa. NATO is engaged with Operation OCEAN SHIELD and the European Union has Operation ATALANTA. Other national navies, including several from Asia and the Middle East conduct counter-piracy patrols and escort operations as well. These are independent from the multinational efforts but are coordinated through participation in Shared Awareness and Deconfliction meetings known as SHADE to ensure the independent and multinational efforts don’t work at cross purposes.

On any given day, up to 30 vessels from as many as 22 nations are engaged in counter-piracy operations in the region. This includes countries that are relatively new to this kind of effort, like China and Japan. International naval forces have thwarted pirate attacks in progress, engaged pirate skiffs, and successfully taken back hijacked ships during opposed boardings. We have worked together to create safer shipping lanes through the Gulf of Aden for commercial shipping vessels by establishing the Internationally Recommended Transit Corridor or IRTC. This transit zone is heavily patrolled by naval forces and used by some countries for convoy operations. The corridor has helped reduce the number of attacks within the transit zone.

Pirates adapted to these efforts. The expanded use of mother-ships enabled pirates to expand their area of operations toward the west coast of India. Mother-ships have also made pirates more difficult to interdict and more effective at operating during the monsoon seasons. Somali pirates now operate in a total sea space of approximately 2.5 million square nautical miles – an area equivalent to the size of the continental United States. This makes it difficult for naval or law enforcement ships and other assets to reach the scene of a pirate attack quickly enough to disrupt an ongoing attack. There is just too much water to patrol. Naval patrols are a required component of an effective counter-piracy strategy but will not succeed alone. Military power, while necessary, is not sufficient.

PRIVATE SECTOR

This leads me to a third area of emphasis for the U.S. government – and that is working with, and empowering the maritime industry so that they can better protect themselves from attack.

Perhaps the most significant factor in the decline of successful pirate attacks has been the steps taken by commercial vessels to prevent and deter attacks from happening in the first place. We have found that the best defense against piracy is often simply vigilance on the part of the maritime industry.

The widespread adoption of Best Management Practices (BMPs) has clearly had a significant positive effect. These include practical measures, such as proceeding at full speed through high-risk areas and employing physical barriers such as razor wire to make it more difficult for pirates to come aboard. The overall effect of the BMPs is to the extent practicable harden merchant ships against pirate attack.

You all probably know the BMPs better than I do. Some of you helped develop them. We know they will change and evolve as pirates adapt their tactics and the industry’s best practices evolve. The point is that ship owners and operators can and should continue to implement measures designed to make their vessels harder targets. Adherence to the BMPs is not a guarantee against hijacking, but all available evidence indicates they considerably mitigate the risks.

Recognizing the value of these measures, the U.S. government has required U.S.-flagged vessels sailing in designated high-risk waters to fully implement the BMPs. We remain troubled that there are still commercial ships travelling through pirate-infested waters that have yet to implement appropriate security measures. Some 20 percent of all ships off the Horn of Africa are not taking proper security precautions. Unsurprisingly, these account for the overwhelming number of successfully pirated ships. We urge flag states to strive for 100 percent implementation of BMPs among their vessels operating in high risk waters.

But perhaps the ultimate security measure a ship owner can adopt is the use of armed security personnel, either provided by their government as Vessel Protection Details (VPDs) or through employing Privately Contracted Armed Security Personnel (PCASP), where Flag state rules allow. The latter are often made up of former members of various armed forces, who embark on merchant ships and guard them during transits through high risk waters. To date, not a single ship with armed security personnel aboard has been successfully hijacked. These teams have served as a game-changer in the effort to combat piracy.

For our part, the U.S. government has mandated that U.S.-flagged merchant vessels transiting the high risk area conduct a risk assessment with specific consideration given to supplementing onboard security with armed personnel.

When PCASP emerged on the scene a few years back, there were reservations. Many feared that armed security personnel would escalate the level of violence during pirate encounters, further endangering mariners. The opposite appears to have happened. From the evidence that we have seen, in most engagements, the attack ends as soon as pirates realize an armed security team is on board. Pirates often break off their boarding attempt and turn their skiffs around to wait for another less protected ship. These teams therefore have served as an effective deterrent.

However, PCASP teams come in varying sizes and, to be frank, in varying degrees of quality. Their emergence as a security option has brought with it complications. Varying national legal regimes complicate the movement of these teams and their weapons from ship-to-ship or ship-to-shore. Some flag states do not have clear legal guidelines for addressing armed security personnel and are struggling to formulate positions vis-à-vis armed security personnel at sea.

Untangling legal and policy issues related to armed security will take time. But the U.S. government is hoping to make progress. Last month, the U.S. Department of State hosted a working level meeting of policy specialists from 23 nations and international organizations. The intent of the meeting was to give participants an opportunity to share information about their national or organizational law and policy on PCASP, thereby allowing all involved to gain a more complete picture of the overlaps and gaps in legal regimes and policies from country to country. This is a crucial step in figuring out a way forward that addresses the thorniest differences.

As a legal matter, authority over the use of privately contracted armed-security personnel beyond territorial sea limits (12 nautical miles from land) falls to the flag State. Once a vessel with armed personnel embarked enters territorial seas it may carry such personnel provided it is engaged in innocent passage or transit passage. If a vessel with an armed team embarked intends to enter a port, the port State may exercise authority for regulating the personnel or their arms.

While we are finding ways to deter pirates and better protect vessels at sea, some vessels still do not take all available security precautions. Piracy and armed robbery at sea will therefore remain a danger for the foreseeable future. In a hostage situation our foremost concern is always about the safety of the crew, regardless of nationality. The U.S. government is acutely aware of the dilemma that shipowners face when ships and mariners are taken hostage. While the safety of the crew is critical, it is also a fact that submitting to pirate ransom demands guarantees that future crews will face similar threats. The United States has a long tradition of opposing the payment of ransoms, and we have worked to discourage or minimize ransom payments. While some may consider ransoms a cost of doing business, every ransom paid further institutionalizes the practice of hostage-taking for profit and promotes its expansion as a criminal enterprise. In order to guard against such dangers, as well as to ensure that all available expertise is brought to bear to achieve the return of hostages, we strongly encourage flag states, shipowners, and private parties involved in hostage crises to seek assistance from appropriate government authorities.

JUDICIAL

Now let me turn to another aspect of our response – our efforts to deter piracy through effective apprehension, prosecution, and incarceration of pirates and their supporters and financiers. Today, over 1,000 pirates are in custody in 20 countries around the world, and most are or will be convicted and sentenced to lengthy prison terms.

An important element of our counter-piracy approach has involved a renewed emphasis on enhancing the capacity of states – particularly those in the region – to prosecute and incarcerate suspected pirates. The United States is currently supporting efforts to:
increase prison capacity in Somalia; and to
develop a framework for prisoner transfers so pirates convicted abroad serve their sentence back in their home country of Somalia;
Prosecution is crucial to counter-piracy efforts. A few regional nations have been bearing the lion’s share of the burden in this area. Notably, Kenya and the Seychelles have each accepted for prosecution dozens of pirates captured by naval forces patrolling off the Horn of Africa. They have also agreed to incarcerate convicted prisoners until more durable solutions are found. They deserve both commendation from the international community and support for their judicial systems.

Going forward, however, we can’t expect Somalia’s neighbors to host trial after trial and continue to absorb large numbers of imprisoned pirates. Many nations have laws that allow them to prosecute piracy as a crime of universal jurisdiction. Whenever possible, nations affected by piracy, even if only tangentially, should exercise that jurisdiction and help ease the burden. Additionally, flag states should consider their counter-piracy responsibilities - including by prosecuting the pirates that attack their ships. The economic stakes for flag states are significant. Ship registrations earn millions of dollars a year for flags states, tens of millions of dollars in some cases. Those financial rewards come with responsibilities, including the defense of their ships through prosecution of suspected pirates.

It is also imperative that the maritime industry do everything it can to support prosecutors trying to bring cases against pirates. Too often prosecutors decline cases because they do not believe the required witnesses will be available when a case goes to trial. With pirates from one country; prosecution in a second; a shipping company from a third country; and a merchant mariner witness from a fourth -- prosecutors often have little ability to compel testimony. Instead, they must rely on voluntary cooperation. Merchant mariners should be able to participate in the trials of their tormentors secure in the knowledge that their employers support their decision and will hold their job for them. Ideally, employers should help with travel costs and other expenses associated with testifying, either directly or through donations to the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia (CGPCS). I realize the costs are not negligible and that back-filling positions is a logistical challenge. I maintain, however, that the cost to industry of suspected pirates being released without trial will be higher in the long run.

Ultimately, the majority of Somali pirates belong in Somali prisons. That is the most durable and cost-effective outcome for most piracy cases. To the extent we in the international community can help build the capacity of Somali judicial institutions, including courts, prisons, and law enforcement agencies, we are helping ourselves while also making a contribution toward a more peaceful and stable Somalia. The ultimate goal is a Somalia where a legitimate, functioning maritime defense force apprehends suspected pirates and turns them over to an independent and fair judiciary who tries them and remands those convicted to the custody of a functioning prison system. In the near term, perhaps the most realistic approach is to start with the prisons and develop them to ensure they are capable of safely and humanely incarcerating Somali pirates tried and convicted elsewhere.

TARGETING NETWORKS

As piracy has evolved into an organized transnational criminal enterprise, it is increasingly clear that the arrest and prosecution of rank and file pirates captured at sea is insufficient on its own to meet our longer term counter-piracy goals. Most pirates captured at sea are low-level operatives. The harsh reality of life in Somalia ensures there are willing replacements for pirates apprehended at sea. Prosecutions is one key to deterrence, but this must include the prosecution of the masterminds and funders along with the gunmen. After an intensive review of our strategy last year, Secretary Clinton approved a series of recommendations that constitute a new approach. A focus on pirate networks onshore is now at the heart of our campaign.

We are using all of the tools at our disposal to disrupt pirate networks and their financial flows. We are focused on identifying and apprehending the criminal conspirators who lead, manage, and finance the pirate enterprise, with the objective of bringing them to trial. We are making progress in this effort. For instance, on August 13, 2012, Pirate negotiator Mohammad Saaili Shibin received ten concurrent and two consecutive life sentences from a U.S. federal court for his role in the attack that ended in the deaths of four U.S. citizens aboard the S/V Quest. This kind of trial and sentence is exactly what is needed to create strong disincentives to piracy. Moreover, it represents prosecution of someone other than the pirate rank and file. It is as an important step against the upper tiers of the pirate hierarchy and demonstrates that individuals beyond the gunmen in skiffs are culpable and prosecutable.

The Contact Group recently endorsed the focus on pirate networks and formed a new working group - Working Group 5, under Italy’s leadership, to assist in multilateral coordination to disrupt the pirate enterprise ashore. We are working to connect law enforcement communities, intelligence agencies, financial experts, and our international partners to promote information sharing and develop actionable information against pirate conspirators. This effort will include tracking pirate sources of financing and supplies, such as fuel, outboard motors, and weapons.

We have made significant progress over the last year. Under the aegis of Working Group 5, the U.S. Government has worked closely with INTERPOL’s National Central Bureau in Washington to develop a customized database on Somali piracy, that is now available to all INTERPOL member states. By making information accessible the database is designed to facilitate law enforcement investigations worldwide. In addition to advancing the work by INTERPOL through their piracy database, Working Group 5 is also improving cooperation between law enforcement and the maritime industry for the purpose of identifying and prosecuting Somali pirates. A sub-group of officials from Working Group 5 met here in London in January and again in March in Washington, DC with shippers, insurers, and attorneys, to encourage them to more systematically share information about piracy collected during and after hijackings. We hope to have future meetings with these groups to further the cause of information sharing and to bring pirate leaders and facilitators one step closer to prison cells.

Another recent and promising multilateral effort I would like to highlight is RAPPICC (RAP – pick) which stands for the Regional Anti-Piracy Prosecutions Intelligence Coordination Centre in the Seychelles. In August of this year, the UK and the Seychelles broke ground on the Centre’s new facility, which will be located on an old Seychellois Coast Guard base. RAPPICC will be an information fusion center that facilitates the capture and prosecution of the financiers, investors, and ringleaders of Somali piracy. Its headquarters will be part of a larger "Crime Campus" with a 20-person holding facility for use in conducting interviews. We are confident that if interested parties commit to participating and sharing information, RAPPICC can produce the kind of results we want to see -- prosecutors around the world equipped with the evidentiary packages they need to win convictions against not just rank and file pirates, but the middle and top tier actors in these criminal enterprises.

SOMALIA

Lastly, the most durable long-term solution to piracy, the strategic solution, is the re-establishment of stability in Somalia. Once Somalia has a viable government capable of policing its own territory, piracy will fade away. We are encouraged that the end of Somalia's eight-year political transition occurred in September, culminating in a new provisional constitution, parliament, and president. Supporting the emergence of more effective and responsible governance in Somalia will require continued, accountable assistance to build the new government's capacity to deal with the social, legal, economic, security, and operational challenges it faces. To that end, the United States continues to work with our international partners to build a durable and responsive central government in Mogadishu while also supporting other regional Somali authorities working toward these same goals, a "dual-track" policy we have pursued for the better part of two years now.

In closing: this is a challenge where deliberate and concerted action by governments, international organizations, and the private sector resulted in a truly multilateral campaign that has suppressed piracy off the coast of Somali to levels that seemed impossible only 18 months ago.

While we have made great gains against piracy, piracy remains an ever-present threat. A ship or vessel could be pirated tomorrow. More hostages could be taken and brutalized. Somali pirates have shown it does not take much to prey on ships at sea. Should the vigilance of mariners at sea wane, should governments and navies turn their attention and resources elsewhere, pirates are certain to get back in their skiffs. Piracy is a crime of opportunity and will flourish again if we open up the space before the Government of Somali is ready to police its shores.

The efforts we have all made thus far have brought success. But it is a fragile success -- one that requires a great deal more work to make permanent. Working together, we have made great strides. We now need to ensure that those gains are not carelessly discarded, leaving us to fight for them once again. Let’s continue to work together to close the door on Somali piracy. Let’s stay vigilant.

Thank you very much and I would be happy to take your questions.

REMARKS AFTER SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON'S MEETING WITH CROATIAN PRESIDENT JOSIPOVIC

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Remarks With Croatian President Ivo Josipovic After Their Meeting
Remarks
Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Zagreb, Croatia
October 31, 2012
MODERATOR: (In Croatian.)

PRESIDENT JOSIPOVIC: (Via interpreter) (In progress) – profile itself as a democratic (inaudible). We are today a member of NATO, soon to be a member of the EU, and this shows that the support from the American side has been very meaningful. We’ve discussed our bilateral relations that are excellent, however there is a great potential for enhancing our economic cooperation. I’m very pleased that from you, Secretary of State, I’ve heard major interest of the American side in cooperation in the economy. There is, of course, a problem of the actual openness to investment, but we are aware that the Croatian Government is preparing a number of measures to facilitate investments in Croatia, and I am sure that there will be a major number of American investors who will come and invest in Croatia.

We have discussed our cooperation within NATO, which is a very important framework for our partnership, and Mrs. Clinton has shown great interest in the Croatian assessment of the situation in the region and the possibility of Croatia as a neighboring country and soon to become a member of the EU contributing to further stabilization of the European future of the entire region. I reiterated our view that a continued enlargement process is Croatia’s vital interest and that also within the EU we should do everything for our neighbors to get support and to be tomorrow together with us in the EU. I thank the U.S. Secretary and her delegation for extremely open and constructive talk.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Thank you very much, Mr. President, and it indeed is an honor for me to be here on my first official visit to Zagreb as Secretary of State and to celebrate the exemplary partnership between our two countries, which, as you say, dates back now 20 years. Earlier today I also had the opportunity to meet with the Prime Minister, and in both meetings we discussed a range of critical issues where our countries work side-by-side to advance peace and prosperity throughout the region. The United States is very proud to have the opportunity to work with Croatia in NATO, and we are looking forward to Croatia’s joining the European Union next year.

For more than 20 years the United States has stood with the people of Croatia to overcome the wars and destruction of the 1990s and to rebuild your country. But this is really the work of all of the people in this country, because you made a fundamental decision early on. You decided you wanted to join the transatlantic institutions and be part of Europe, a Europe that is whole, free, and at peace. So yes, today you are not only a full member of NATO and you will be joining the European Union, but you serve as an anchor of stability and prosperity in the region and demonstrate unequivocally what people and political leaders can accomplish when they work together toward a shared goal.

Nations around the world today are making the difficult transition to democracy, and they can look to you, they can look to Croatia, as a model. This country has taken great strides to combat corruption and uphold the rule of law, from prosecuting domestic war crimes cases to reforming your justice sector. Croatia has also made it a priority to include ethnic minorities and ensure opportunities for all of your citizens. And I would like to commend the Croatian Government, Mr. President, for leading the decade of Roma inclusion this year. Whenever Roma people cannot fully participate in their communities, whether that’s getting an equal education, electing political representatives, or having the same opportunities to contribute to the economic and political lives of their countries, whole societies lose out. Because when more people in more places can contribute their talents, that adds immeasurably to what everyone is able to do. So thank you for taking on one of Europe’s most persistent challenges.

I also want to commend Croatia’s efforts to establish a regional housing program with Serbia, Montenegro, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. This is a significant step toward reconciliation with honor, and the United States is proud to contribute to your efforts. More importantly, tens of thousands of refugees who are still displaced by wars can now look forward to a better future.

Of course, there is still work to do to close the chapter on refugees and other important challenges, and we strongly support efforts here in this region and in particular Croatia’s to combat corruption and organized crime, strengthen the independence of your judiciary, and privatize state enterprises in order to open up the economy. We encourage Croatia to share your experience with your neighbors, as you have a lot of lessons that can be useful to them.

Now, as the President said, to continue building a thriving, modern democracy, you need to have your economy keep growing. So we are strongly in support of any ways to improve your business environment and attract more investors, particularly investors from the United States. You have proven time and time again you have the political will and persistence to make tough choices that deliver concrete results.

I also wish to thank you, Mr. President, and through you the people of Croatia, for the contributions you have made to NATO, UN and EU peacekeeping missions around the world. In Afghanistan, more than 300 Croatian troops serve alongside Americans and others as part of the International Security Assistance Force. And I appreciate greatly the sacrifices Croatia has made and your commitment to see the security transition through with ISAF to give the Afghan people a chance to build their own institutions and secure their own country.

Now, I brought with me quite a delegation, Mr. President. I was pleased that our new Ambassador, Ken Merten, was able to get here in time for my arrival. He’s been on the job about five days. And I was particularly pleased to bring with me the highest-ranking Croatian American in the United States Government, Capricia Penavic Marshall, who is our Chief of Protocol, who has been a longtime friend and associate of mine and whose father, Frank, has regaled me with many stories about growing up in Croatia.

So it’s not only a partnership. It’s not only that we are members of NATO together. It’s not only that our soldiers serve side-by-side. It is also the bonds of friendship and family and real cultural affinity that Americans and Croatians share. And Mr. President, we look forward to celebrating Croatia’s accession to the EU in the very near future.

Thank you very much.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) Now we’ll take questions. (Inaudible), a question to the President and the State Secretary.

QUESTION: (Via interpreter) A question to the President and State Secretary: When on the first of July next year when the Croats wake up, in spite of the objections of the Slovenians, do you expect us to be a member of the EU with a special assignment in the region?

And the second question, based on – for the U.S. Secretary: Your former ambassador, when leaving Croatia, said that there is an anti-business climate in Croatia and that the U.S. has the lowest investment in Croatia compared to other (inaudible). Does the Obama Administration see any progress over the last period of years, or is this country still in an anti-business climate? Does it pervade here?

PRESIDENT JOSIPOVIC: (Via interpreter) I am quite sure that on the first of July, we will wake up in the EU next year. And I am sure that Croatia will be a successful member of the EU, which means not to benefit honey and milk, but we will have to show what we can do. It’s a major opportunity for us, but it’s up to us to show how we will take advantage of it.

We will have an important task in the region in our own interest. Croatia’s best interest is that our neighbors also accede to the EU, of course, provided that they fulfill the EU requirements. This is important to us for the sake of peace, security, but also for the economic considerations, free movement of goods, people, among the neighboring countries and friends.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well, certainly in my discussions with both the President and the Prime Minister, they expressed equally the same confidence that you will be a member of the European Union. And we certainly strongly support that, as we have over the last several years.

Regarding the economic, commercial, business, and investment climate, I think it’s important in today’s world that everyone look for ways to create jobs, restore competitiveness, and spur renewed economic growth. That is particularly important here in Croatia because you have an educated workforce, you have a developed infrastructure, you have a very favorable geographic position, you are a promising destination for investment. But you also have a very high rate of unemployment for young people that could be addressed by opening up your business sector to greater competition.

We see potential for increasing trade and investment between Croatia and the United States. And as I discussed with the Prime Minister and the President, we urge Croatia to make necessary reforms: to increase transparency, to reduce bureaucratic hurdles wherever you can, to continue with privatization in an appropriate fashion, to make it easy to start a new business, to encourage young people to be entrepreneurs, to look for energy independence, which will give you advantages vis-a-vis the rest of Europe because of your long coastline, to explore liquefied natural gas and deepening your port.

We stand ready to assist in any way. We already have several business development programs in place. Last year, we brought people together from the United States and across the region for an annual business and investment conference known as the Brown Forum, named in honor of the late former Commerce Secretary Ron Brown. So we stand ready to encourage American investment in Croatia. And I must say we think that there’s a great potential here, but there do have to be continuing economic reforms which, if undertaken and implemented, will give Croatia a significant advantage vis-a-vis the rest of Europe, particularly southern Europe and especially the Balkans.

So we don’t urge you to do this for us, we urge this to do it for you, but we think it will also benefit American businesses and investors because they will find Croatia a very attractive place to do business with all of the assets you have.

MODERATOR: Andy.

QUESTION: Secretary, if I could ask you about Syria. Mr. Brahimi’s attempt at a ceasefire has evidently failed, and the violence is increasing again. What are your views on what needs to be done now to bring the violence down?

And turning to next week’s opposition conference in Doha, what gives you confidence, if you have any at all, that this could produce the beginnings of a government in waiting where the SNC has failed to do that? And are you sure that your key allies, including Turkey, are ready to swing behind whatever is the outcome of Doha? Thank you.

SECRETARY CLINTON: Well Andy, those are all very important and timely questions. And I want to start by thanking Croatia for their assistance in dealing with the extremely difficult problems presented by both Syria and Iran.

Look, I sincerely regret, but I, unfortunately, was not surprised by the failure of the latest ceasefire attempt. Despite its reported commitment to the UN Special Envoy, Mr. Brahimi, the Assad regime did not suspend its use of advanced weaponry against the Syrian people for even one day. And the shelling in the suburbs of Damascus was as bad last weekend as at any time in the conflict.

So while we urge Special Envoy Brahimi to do whatever he can in Moscow and Beijing to convince them to change course and support stronger UN action, we cannot and will not wait for that. Instead, our efforts, and those of our partners in the EU and the Arab League, are focused on pressuring the regime through increasing and tightening sanctions, meeting the humanitarian needs of the Syrian people who are displaced, assisting those countries that they seek refuge in, and helping the opposition unite behind a shared, effective strategy that can resist the regime’s violence and begin to provide for a political transition that can demonstrate more clearly than has been possible up until now what the future holds for the Syrian people once the Assad regime is gone.

So we are working very hard with many different elements from the opposition – yes, inside Syria as well as outside Syria. Some of you might remember I hosted a meeting in New York during the UN General Assembly. We facilitated the smuggling-out of a few representatives of the Syrian internal opposition in order for them to explain to the countries gathered why they must be at the table. This cannot be an opposition represented by people who have many good attributes but have, in many instances, not been inside Syria for 20, 30, or 40 years. There has to be a representation of those who are on the frontlines, fighting and dying today to obtain their freedom.

And there needs to be an opposition leadership structure that is dedicated to representing and protecting all Syrians. It is not a secret that many inside Syria are worried about what comes next. They have no love lost for the Assad regime, but they worry, rightly so, about the future. And so there needs to be an opposition that can speak to every segment and every geographic part of Syria. And we also need an opposition that will be on record strongly resisting the efforts by extremists to hijack the Syrian revolution. There are disturbing reports of extremists going into Syria and attempting to take over what has been a legitimate revolution against a repressive regime for their own purposes.

So the Arab League-sponsored meetings, starting in Doha next week, will be an important next step. I have been constantly involved with my counterparts, both in the EU and in the Arab League, in particular with the hosts of the meeting next week in Qatar. We have recommended names and organizations that we believe should be included in any leadership structure. We’ve made it clear that the SNC can no longer be viewed as the visible leader of the opposition. They can be part of a larger opposition, but that opposition must include people from inside Syria and others who have a legitimate voice that needs to be heard. So our efforts are very focused on that right now. Thank you.

MODERATOR: (Via interpreter) This completes the statements for the press. Thank you.

PENTAGON LEADER PLEDGES SUPPORT TO SERVICE MEMBERS AND FAMILIES

FROM:  U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Carter Pledges Support to Nation's Service Members, Families

By Karen Parrish
American Forces Press Service

WASHINGTON, Oct. 24, 2012 - Pentagon leaders are committed to caring for service members and their families, Deputy Defense Secretary Ashton B. Carter told an Army audience today during remarks at the Association of the U.S. Army's annual convention here.

In Iraq, Afghanistan and around the world, Carter said, Army men and women "have displayed extraordinary courage, mental and physical toughness, and adaptability in demanding environments."

Those qualities have garnered the Army over 15,800 awards for valor since 2001, he noted, including six Medal of Honor awards, 25 Distinguished Service Crosses and 660 Silver Stars. The price for the Army's achievements has been high, the deputy secretary said.

"Over 4,700 Army men and women gave up their lives during this decade, in service to us," he said. "Over 34,000 were wounded in action. This must not be forgotten."

The families of the fallen, wounded warriors, serving troops and transitioning veterans all have a claim on the department, their communities and the nation, Carter said.

"As we look to the future, we need to ensure the health of our all-volunteer force," he said. A decade of conflict, he added, "takes its toll. "

"We have a sacred obligation to take care of those who have served us in those conflicts," Carter said.

Soldiers, communities and families across America grapple with the visible and invisible wounds of battle, he said. "We continue to do all we can to provide the best possible care to our wounded warriors, and to better understand and treat some of the signature wounds of the past 10 years of conflict," he added.

The Defense Department and the Department of Veterans Affairs, Carter noted, recently announced they are investing more than $100 million in research to improve the diagnosis and treatment of traumatic brain injury and post-traumatic stress.

Service and DOD leaders are also taking steps to strengthen mental health services, the deputy secretary said.

"We're elevating the issue of mental health to the same level as physical health," he said. "And we want all [service members] to know that seeking help when they're in need of it is a sign of strength, not a sign of weakness."

Another issue that troubles many and that he and Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta take very seriously, he said, is suicide.

"Suicide has increased nationally, in every demographic, over the last decade -- not just in the military," Carter pointed out. "But every suicide in our military family is one too many. "

DOD leaders and health providers are working to build resilience in the force and among veterans, and to help those in danger, he said.

Service members who choose to leave the military also deserve the department's help, the deputy secretary said.

"We commit to providing those who transition out of the military service with the training and support they need to find a job, pursue higher education or start a business," he said.

DOD and VA have fundamentally redesigned the Transition Assistance Program, Carter said. He said some key features of the revamped program are stronger career readiness standards and an enhanced curriculum, which "aims to ... help service members meet their personal goals for their post-military careers."

The two departments aren't alone in their efforts, he noted.

"People and organizations across the country ... have made a national commitment to help our service members learn new skills and find work," Carter said.

As military members transition back to civilian life, the deputy secretary said, "the support of community and private organizations will be absolutely essential."

THE SIXTH SUMMIT OF THE AMERICAS AND ELECTRICAL INTERCONNECTION

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Connecting the Americas 2022
Fact Sheet
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs
October 23, 2012

At the Sixth Summit of the Americas in Cartagena, Colombia, the United States joined Colombia and other leaders of the Western Hemisphere in committing to achieve universal access to electricity over the next decade. Connecting the Americas 2022 (Connect 2022), launched by Colombia at the Summit in April, is a framework for the Americas to reinforce regional and bi-national efforts to bring electricity to all parts of the hemisphere and a platform for development and prosperity. Connect 2022 supports the Energy and Climate Partnership of the Americas (ECPA), launched by President Obama at the 2009 Summit of the Americas in Trinidad and Tobago. ECPA promotes regional collaboration on low-carbon development, energy security, and climate change.

Electrical Interconnection in the Americas

The Western Hemisphere produces one quarter of the world’s oil, almost one third of its natural gas, and nearly one third of global electricity, and is endowed with abundant renewable energy resources. However, more than 31 million citizens across the hemisphere lack affordable, clean, and reliable energy services. Electrical interconnection benefits all countries by allowing those with excess power to export electricity to countries that have a power deficit. Interconnected power systems allow for greater integration of renewable energy resources, as well as power exchanges among countries with varying climate and seasonal needs. Interconnection expands the size of power markets, creating economies of scale that can attract private investment, lower capital costs, and reduce electricity costs for consumers, making businesses more competitive and creating jobs.

Expanding Markets & Commercial Opportunities

The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) estimates that electricity demand in Latin America and the Caribbean will double over the next decade. The International Energy Agency estimates the region will require $700 billion in power sector investments, not including Canada and the United States, to meet the growing demand. Connect 2022 will create a business climate that accelerates development of renewable energy and attracts private investment. The initiative will help open markets that bring the best in power technology to markets that need low-cost, efficient solutions. Connect 2022 will tap the expertise, technology, and capital of individual countries, regulators, utilities, the private sector, and multilateral organizations and institutions.

U.S. Government’s Ongoing Support for Connect 2022

Under ECPA, the United States is providing technical assistance and capacity-building programs throughout the hemisphere, particularly in Central America, the Caribbean, and the Andean region. Through the North American Leaders’ Summit, the U.S.-Canada Energy Consultative Mechanism and Clean Energy Dialogue, and the U.S.-Mexico Cross-Border Electricity Task Force, we are working to further cooperation on electrical interconnection with our nearest neighbors. Agencies across the U.S. government are working together to coordinate efforts on Connect 2022.

Additionally, the U.S. government is working closely with the IDB, World Bank, Organization of American States (OAS), donors, and private companies, to coordinate existing efforts on cross-border trade in electricity and identify further opportunities for collaboration.

PATHWAYS TO PROSPERITY IN THE AMERICAS

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Pathways to Prosperity in the Americas
Fact Sheet
Bureau of Western Hemisphere Affairs
October 22, 2012

Pathways to Prosperity in the Americas is a policy-level dialogue that links Western Hemisphere countries committed to democracy, open markets and social inclusion. Through this initiative, countries share best practices and collaborate to spread the benefits of economic growth more broadly to all of our citizens.

Pathways was launched by the leaders of twelve Western Hemisphere countries in New York in September 2008. Since then, annual ministerial meetings have been held in Panama, El Salvador, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, and Colombia. The government of Panama will host the 2013 Ministerial in conjunction with the Americas Competitiveness Forum.

Through shared leadership, Pathways partner countries are committed to deepening cooperation on the following four pillars:
Empowering small businesses by building an enabling environment for micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises.
Facilitating trade by improving the systems, regulation, and infrastructure that small firms need to trade more competitively across borders.
Building a modern workforce by supporting worker rights and fair labor standards as well as promoting the education and training, jobs and entrepreneurship that will prepare our citizens to achieve their full potential.
Promoting sustainable business practices and environmental cooperation.
Pathways Partners

Pathways countries now total fifteen and include Belize, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexico, Nicaragua, Panama, Peru, Uruguay, and the United States. Brazil and Trinidad and Tobago have observer status. The Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), the Organization of American States (OAS), and the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) are strategic Pathways partners. Two countries co-chair each Pathways pillar and organize activities throughout the year that advance the Ministerial Action Plan.

Pathways Activities

To make real progress toward Pathway’s goals, U.S. government agencies provide technical assistance in priority areas such as small business development, financial inclusion, infrastructure financing, women’s entrepreneurship, greening the supply chain, improving environmental practices, and promoting internationally-recognized labor rights. Pathways achievements include:
Expanding the small business development center (SBDC) model in several countries in the Americas.
Strengthening public-private partnerships for border management reform and increasing customs technical expertise in Pathways countries through the Central American Border Management Reform Project.
Increasing market access and technical training for women entrepreneurs through the Pathways Access Initiative in Peru and the Pathways Women’s Entrepreneurship Mentoring Network in Colombia as well as through Women’s Empowerment in the Americas (WEAmericas).
Promoting environmentally-sound production processes by a network of universities, governments, and industries in Pathways countries through training for micro, small and medium-sized enterprises, as part of the Pathways to Cleaner Production in the Americas Initiative.
Looking Forward

To broaden the Pathways network and increase its impact in the Hemisphere a new Pathways Clearinghouse was introduced at the 2012 Ministerial. The Clearinghouse, a collaborative effort between the OAS, IDB and ECLAC, has three different functions: to share and disseminate best practices through websites, outreach materials, online forums and social media; to provide a space where diverse stakeholders can come together to discuss challenges Pathways partner countries face; and to launch a competition that will engage co-chairs in a participatory planning process to explore the most promising solutions to challenges identified.

CENTRAL ASIAN AFFAIRS

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Remarks
Robert O. Blake, Jr.
Assistant Secretary, Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs

Indiana University's Inner Asian and Uralic Natural Resource Center
October 18, 2012

Thank you for that warm welcome and for inviting me to participate in the celebration of the fiftieth anniversary of Indiana University’s Inner Asian and Uralic National Resource Center and of its rich history as our only national resource center focusing on Inner Asia. I understand we are funding two major university partnership programs between Indiana University and Afghan universities. We are pleased to be part of your wider efforts.

This is a momentous time for the Central Asian region. I am delighted to be with you today to speak about our policy priorities in Central Asia, and why we believe our engagement will lead not to another round of the Great Game, as some have suggested, but rather will contribute to the achievement of a "Great Gain" for Central Asian countries and all those that partner with them.

To that end, I’ll discuss our security engagement in Central Asia, the United States’ commitment to Afghanistan’s security transition, the momentum that we see building around the New Silk Road regional integration vision, and the importance of supporting human rights and democratic reforms and creating space for civil society. By working together with our Central Asian partners, other important countries including China and Russia, and a wide range of other international actors, we can create a prosperous region that offers "great gains" for all. Let me start with security.

U.S. Security Engagement in Central Asia

Security in Central Asia is a key strategic interest for the United States – and of course for each of the Central Asian countries, particularly as they look ahead to the transition in Afghanistan post-2014. Our security cooperation with these nations focuses on enhancing border security, strengthening regional counternarcotics efforts, countering violent extremism, and working towards a stable, secure Afghanistan.

Expanding our cooperation in this arena not only helps countries deal with security challenges; it helps solidify our diplomatic ties and deepen and broaden our partnerships. If a country is willing to cooperate in the area of national security, they are more likely to cooperate in other areas as well. But security cooperation is not the end goal.

Instead, we have built on the momentum created in our security discussions to broaden and deepen our bilateral relationships. Today, we hold Annual Bilateral Consultations (or, in the case of Kazakhstan, a Strategic Partnership Dialogue) with each of the Central Asian states. Through the ABCs, we have established a mechanism through which we review in detail every element of our relationship, from security assistance to economic investment issues, educational and cultural exchanges, to human rights and democratic reform.

It is important to note that we always take into account the political, economic, military and human rights situation of a partner country when deciding what kind of security cooperation to pursue. As an example, we provide only non-lethal assistance to Uzbekistan because of our concerns about its human rights record. But we continue to engage, making it clear that our relationship can reach its full potential only when Uzbekistan meets its human rights obligations.

Turning to some of our specific security priorities, we have excellent cooperation with Kazakhstan on non-proliferation issues ranging from proliferation prevention to improvement of the regulatory framework for strategic trade controls, and we look forward to building on our cooperation on mutual security concerns with complementing progress in human rights, and labor and religious freedoms.

In Kyrgyzstan, which also hosts the Manas Transit Center through which all of our troops going to Afghanistan pass, we are helping the new democratically-elected government to reform the security sector and to address issues related to corruption and rule of law. We are also helping the government improve services for citizens.

The Northern Distribution Network, or NDN, is perhaps the clearest example of the benefits to the U.S. our security engagement with the Central Asian countries has yielded. Over the past year, we have seen how the NDN provided critically important alternate routes for our non-lethal cargo transiting to and from Afghanistan, particularly when we were experiencing challenging moments in our relationship with Pakistan.

Afghan Security Transition

In addition to our important bilateral security relationships, the United States helps facilitate increased regional coordination and support for Afghanistan. The Central Asian countries are vital partners in support of the International Security Assistance Force’s efforts against the Taliban and al-Qaida in Afghanistan, especially as Afghanistan increasingly takes the lead for its own security, as it has done now for over 75 percent of its population. None of us has an interest in seeing Afghanistan ever again become a platform from which Al-Qaida or others could attack our homeland.

The Central Asian countries will remain important partners as a NATO Enduring Presence replaces the ISAF mission in 2014, and as Afghanistan embarks upon its Transformation Decade between 2015 and 2024. Afghanistan will increase coordination with NATO on internal security and with its neighbors on shared issues such as border security and combating flows of narcotics and other contraband.

The United States is likely to maintain a presence in Afghanistan, the particulars of which will be negotiated over the next year. We are committed to the success of Afghanistan’s security transition and to regional security, and we have communicated this commitment to our Central Asian partners.

As Secretary Clinton has pointed out many times, a secure, stable, and prosperous Afghanistan can only exist in a secure, stable, and prosperous region. As the security, political, and economic transitions in Afghanistan proceed, its neighbors in Central Asia will have increasingly important roles to play. The leaders of the Central Asian states understand the increasingly intertwined nature of security and the need for regional coordination.

In working with the states that border Afghanistan or are impacted by Afghan security issues, I know that all recognize the depth and complexity of the challenge of ensuring regional security in what is a tough neighborhood. The resolve of the international community to deepen the roots of Afghanistan’s security is strong, as evidenced by the success of last May’s NATO Summit in Chicago. Together, the international community and the Government of Afghanistan agreed to fund the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF) at a level of about $4 billion per year, in the period after 2014. In July, in Tokyo, international leaders met again and pledged over $16 billion in civilian aid from more than 70 international donors. But Afghanistan also has responsibilities. That’s why the donors and Afghanistan also agreed on a "Mutual Accountability Framework" to improve governance in Afghanistan.

These are significant contributions, but perhaps just as important is the way in which the international community has rallied to support Afghanistan and the region. Unlike past approaches in the mold of the "Great Game," in which one or a few countries directed top-down change without regard to local input, today’s integrated approach enjoys broad based, regional support.

The New Silk Road: From "Will" to "How"

Security assistance and cooperation with our Central Asian partners are important, but not enough to help ensure future prosperity. As Afghanistan assumes full responsibility for its security, and most foreign troops leave; Afghanistan also will need to transition economically from an aid to a trade-based economy. The best way to achieve that is to integrate Afghanistan into the larger region. The more Afghanistan is integrated economically into its regional neighborhood, the more it will be able to attract private investment, benefit from its vast mineral resources, and provide economic opportunity for its citizens.

That is the essence of the New Silk Road vision, outlined by Secretary Clinton last summer during her landmark speech in Chennai: to strengthen regional economic integration and promote economic opportunity between South and Central Asia with Afghanistan at its center.

Regional governments can do this first through trade liberalization – which includes the reduction of non-tariff trade barriers, improved regulatory regimes, transparent border clearance procedures, and coordinated policies. And second, through energy and infrastructure investment to connect goods, services, and people.

Now, many of you have likely been hearing about the New Silk Road vision for some time and are familiar with how the conversation around the vision has evolved in the last year. Where we used to hear, skepticism and questions about "how can this possibly happen?" we now instead hear, "how can we support efforts that are already underway?"

Today, the states of South and Central Asia agree on the importance of greater cooperation and integration. They are participating actively in regional mechanisms such as the Istanbul Process, in which the countries of the region are strengthening cooperation through seven confidence-building measures, including combating narcotics and terrorism, disaster management, and infrastructure development: And they also embrace the goals of the Regional Economic Cooperation Conference on Afghanistan, or RECCA, which is helping to facilitate greater economic integration.

Most importantly, the countries in the region themselves are providing assistance to Afghanistan to help ensure Afghanistan’s future stability, and their own. At the most recent RECCA meeting in March, the countries of the region agreed for the first time to advance a series of projects and reform initiatives that can help unlock the region’s potential for private investment, greater trade and transit, and increased economic growth.

The Central Asian states are taking concrete steps -- and committing their own funds -- to implement the RECCA-V action plan and to enhance their integration with key sectors of the Afghan economy. Let me give you a few examples:

· Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan are providing electricity to meet rising energy demand in Afghanistan, and through projects such as CASA-1000, electrical lines running through Afghanistan could someday transfer surplus hydropower from Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

· Uzbekistan has constructed a rail line to Mazar-e-Sharif and is considering its extension to Herat. Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, and Afghanistan are building another rail line that will provide a new trade route and outlet for Afghan goods through the Caspian.

· Kazakhstan provides assistance to educate Afghan students and has expressed its intention to establish a Central Asia Disaster Management Agency.

When we speak of rail lines, we should not overlook the economic potential of the NDN. The existing infrastructure and transit routes used to transport military cargo can and should be used by the private sector to continue trade across the region, where there is ample opportunity for growth. The economic potential of a more open and integrated region – full of untapped human and natural resources – is virtually unlimited.

Another key piece of regional infrastructure will be pipelines. There has been good progress on the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India gas pipeline, or TAPI, including the recent roadshow in Singapore, New York, and London with representatives of all four countries. These countries and the participating companies are now in discussions to form a consortium and keep moving forward. As the countries of Central Asia pursue greater energy independence, the strong link between water and energy – something the Soviets capitalized on in establishing the unified, regional grid – will require coordination to ensure growth and stability throughout the region.

Another strong priority to boost regional integration is to open markets through the WTO accession progress. Over the past year, the U.S. has signed bilateral agreements with Kazakhstan and Tajikistan.

Both countries hope to accede in 2013, joining Kyrgyzstan, which has been a member since 1998. And we are encouraged that Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan have begun to review possible accession. Taken together, these efforts are clear signals of a desire to increase trade, both within the region and beyond.

Regional mechanisms likewise have an important role to play. The Central Asia Regional Economic Cooperation Program, or CAREC, facilitated by the Asian Development Bank and led by the countries of the region, is an important part of the New Silk Road vision. CAREC includes Afghanistan and Pakistan and envisions a transformation of the region through transport corridors and energy infrastructure to drive economic growth. By 2020, the CAREC Program will have mobilized $20 billion to improve six corridors that traverse Central Asia.

Three of the CAREC corridors link the economic hubs of Europe and the Russian Federation with East Asia, while the other three link East Asia, Europe, and the Russian Federation with South Asia and the Middle East. The recent signing of the Cross-Border Transport Agreement by Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and Kyrgyzstan under the auspices of CAREC is another good example of progress in this area.

Engaging women in economic activity is another imperative for regional integration. Last year at the Women’s Economic Symposium in Bishkek, we hosted 200 dynamic women business leaders from across the region and invested $1.7 million to provide training and promote women-run business networks and trade hubs. In December, we will hold a similar event in Dhaka, where a major goal will be to link networks of women entrepreneurs from Central and South Asia.

The United States will continue to engage our Central Asian partners and support these initiatives. But we are not alone in our support for the region’s development. In contrast to the politics of the past, when a few great powers treated the region as a chessboard, today we see that deep international coordination is critically important.

Some might argue that even today it would be better if two or three countries imposed a top-down recipe for economic transition and tried to force others to fall into line with that vision. But I would argue the opposite: regional economic transition can succeed only when led by the region, alongside contributions and deep buy-in from the international community.

Whether we are discussing RECCA, CAREC, TAPI, or CASA-1000, I believe the message is clear: the countries of Central Asia and their neighbors recognize the need for greater regional economic coordination, and they see the benefits as well. We support this approach as a mechanism to increase coordination among the Central Asian states, to grow Afghanistan’s economy, and, ultimately, to create a deep network of economic activity that spans from Kazakhstan to Russia, China, Turkey, India and beyond.

Success will depend on the involvement of a wide range of non-governmental partners, including the ADB, World Bank, Aga Khan Development Network and many others. The amount of infrastructure development that is needed in Afghanistan and throughout the region is considerable, and certainly more than any one country or actor can support.

There is much to do. To seize the opportunities for increased integration and cooperation, the region’s countries will need to overcome bilateral obstacles; ensure the rule of law; reduce corruption and non-tariff barriers to trade, such as border crossing impediments, lack of protection for intellectual property and copyrights, and onerous and contradictory foreign investment rules; and they need to address often opaque and unpredictable regulatory environments.

Progress on removing these impediments would spur greater interest by U.S. companies in the region. We already have seen strong indicators of American and other foreign companies’ interest in doing business in Central Asia. At our Annual Bilateral Consultation with Uzbekistan, held in August in Tashkent, we were joined by delegations from twenty-five major American companies like GE and Boeing, all looking to explore opportunities in Central Asia. In Ashgabat this May, more than 100 U.S. companies participated in a U.S. business exhibition, organized by our embassy in Turkmenistan and held in tandem with a forum sponsored by the U.S.-Turkmenistan Business Council.

The Future of Democracy in Central Asia

U.S. engagement in Central Asia on regional economic ties and the stability and security of Afghanistan has brought opportunities for expanded dialogue on human rights and democracy. In FY 2012, we provided $26.6 million in support of democratic reforms, human rights and rule of law, access to information, and civil society. We have seen some progress, but far more needs to be done.

Kyrgyzstan has seen peaceful transitions of power since 2010, testifying to the growing strength of its democratic institutions, in particular the parliament and judicial system, which are receiving strong support from the U.S., although underlying issues of ethnic reconciliation and integration remain unresolved. But all Central Asia states continue to struggle to put into practice the values enshrined in their OSCE commitments, in the UN human rights treaties to which they have acceded, and in their own domestic laws.

We continue to use every opportunity for engagement to urge the Central Asian states to address human rights and democracy concerns and to ensure space for peaceful exercise of fundamental rights, including those of assembly, expression, association, religious belief, and respect for ethnic minorities.

We also continue to emphasize that respect for the right to free speech, free media and peaceful worship reduces the appeal of violent extremism and contributes to sustainable and effective governance over the long-term. Put simply, institutions like a free press and an active civil society, far from being threats, are valuable feedback mechanisms that can help governments be more responsive and avoid the pitfalls of the Arab Spring. Likewise, strengthening the rule of law and democratic institutions will help build transparent and predictable political and investment climates that can promote economic growth benefiting all the citizens of these countries, not just a small elite.

The Annual Bilateral Consultation mechanism that I discussed earlier has been a springboard for deepening our engagement with civil society and advancing democracy and human rights. This August, I had the privilege of co-chairing the first-ever Civil Society Forum held as part of our ABC with Uzbekistan.

For the first time, we witnessed civil society representatives and members of the Uzbek parliament and government speaking frankly with each other. We hope this dialogue can expand and move into joint actions. We have had similarly productive civil society interactions during our consultations with Kazakhstan.

We are also exploring ways to increase our people-to people ties with Central Asia and among Central Asians. To take one example, over 40,000 Americans and Kazakhstanis have participated in State Department-sponsored bilateral exchanges in the last 20 years. In 2011 alone, about 50 American colleges and universities hosted 3,188 students from throughout Central Asia, including 1,890 from Kazakhstan and 560 from Uzbekistan. However, in many cases, the enthusiasm expressed by governments needs to be backed up with increased institutional support for initiatives like the Fulbright program, the English Language Fellows programs, and higher education cooperation.

Conclusions

As I look toward the future, I am optimistic about the future of the region and the United States’ continued commitment to the stability and growth of Central Asia. Today we enjoy regular, sustained contacts with all the Central Asian states on a broad and deep range of issues. The agenda and candor of our dialogue increase every year. Our assistance to the region in the areas of economic development, health and education, border security, counter-narcotics, democratic reform, and strengthening civil society will continue to play an important part in advancing our objectives.

In any diplomatic relationship, one must establish a common framework of trust, a mechanism for communication, and a vision for the future that benefits all peoples. We have come a long way in establishing these with our Central Asian partners, and today, we look forward to a future where the countries and people of Central Asia work together and with the international community for peace and security, democracy and improved governance, economic development and prosperity.

The good news is that the United States is not alone in its desire to see a better, more prosperous future in Central Asia and the wider region. We will continue to work with a wide range of actors, through mechanisms such as the Istanbul Process, the Heart of Asia conference series, and RECCA to build an integrated economy that offers great gains for all, including economic prosperity, increased stability, and a greater voice for civil society. Although the pace of change can be slow and the challenges substantial, I am more convinced than ever that principled, persistent, consistent, and constructive engagement with our partners will bring the change we seek.

Thank you.

EFFORT UNDERWAY TO VERIFIABLY END PRODUCTION OF FISSILE MATERIALS FOR NUCLEAR WEAPONS

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

An International Ban on the Production of Fissile Material for Nuclear Weapons
Fact Sheet

Bureau of Public Affairs

October 10, 2012

"If we are serious about stopping the spread of [nuclear] weapons, then we should put an end to the dedicated production of weapons grade materials that create them." – President Barack Obama

The United States is revitalizing an international effort to advance a multilateral treaty that verifiably ends the production of fissile materials for nuclear weapons.

Background

Fissile material is nuclear material capable of producing an explosive nuclear chain reaction. Highly enriched uranium and plutonium are the fissile materials that are expected to be captured by a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty (FMCT). Some countries already have voluntarily stopped producing fissile material for nuclear weapons. The United States, for example, has not produced plutonium for weapons since 1988 and halted production of highly enriched uranium for weapons in 1964. However, some countries continue to produce fissile material for weapons to build up their nuclear arsenals.

Elements of a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty

A Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty would, for the first time, place a legal ban on the production of fissile materials for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices. Achieving a verifiable FMCT has long been a core element of the United States’ comprehensive agenda for seeking the peace and security of a world without nuclear weapons. It is broadly considered to be the next fundamental step towards multilateral nuclear disarmament.

An FMCT would effectively cap the fissile materials available for use in nuclear weapons. It also would help consolidate the advancements in arms control since the end of the Cold War and provide the basis for further, deeper reductions in nuclear arsenals. Finally, in states possessing nuclear weapons there are enrichment and reprocessing plants capable of producing fissile material that do not operate under International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) safeguards. An FMCT would fold these facilities into an international monitoring regime.

The Way Ahead

The United States believes that the Conference on Disarmament (CD) is the preferred forum for negotiation of an FMCT, but the venue for the negotiations ultimately is less important than the treaty itself. An overwhelming majority of CD members support the early commencement of FMCT negotiations. The United States is consulting with China, France, Russia, and the United Kingdom, as well as others, to find a way to reach consensus and move forward on an FMCT. As Secretary of State Clinton said, the United States believes that an FMCT is "too important a matter to be left in a deadlock forever."

A Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty Will:

Place a legal ban on the production of fissile material for use in nuclear weapons or other nuclear explosive devices.

Consolidate the advancements in arms control since the end of the Cold War, while moving beyond bilateral reductions.

Enhance the irreversibility of future reductions in nuclear arsenals.

Place under international monitoring key nuclear facilities that can produce fissile material.

U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE CLINTON MAKES REMARKS TO EMBASSY STAFF IN PERU

FROM: U.S. DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Remarks to Embassy Staff and FamiliesRemarks

Hillary Rodham Clinton
Secretary of State
Washington, DC
October 15, 2012

SECRETARY CLINTON: Hello, everyone. It is wonderful to see you and to be here back in Lima again, to thank each and every one of you in person for all that you do every single day on behalf of this vital relationship between the United States and Peru. Ambassador Likins summed it up in talking about our three priorities. But as you know so well, under each of those priorities there are so many tasks to do – so many opportunities, so many visas to process, so many contacts to have, so many people to be reached out to and to talk with about what we can do to make our relationship even stronger in the future.

Now, I view Peru as a success story because I see the progress that has been made in this country, from looking at all of the changes that have occurred from lowering the rate of poverty and crime and the threat of violent extremism to creating new opportunities for people throughout the country. And the United States wants to continue to be a good partner and – to the people and Government of Peru – try to do even more together.

We are not only, though, a good partner here at this Embassy; we’re also a good neighbor. And I’m very proud of each of you because I know that, for example, the U.S. Embassy Employee Association raised $75,000 at your last art show to help in struggling communities. And we want to not only have government-to-government relationships but people-to-people, and you are doing that. And I’m delighted to see some of the family members who are here in this community.

I also want to thank all the local staff. Will all our local Peruvian staff raise your hands so that we can give you all a round of applause and express our appreciation to you? (Applause.)

I am delighted that we can have this chance to come back to Lima. I’m excited because I’ll get to spend some time with the President and other high officials. I will also be speaking about the need for social inclusion, for prosperity that touches everyone, for making sure women are given the opportunity to improve their lives and the lives of their families and communities. And so there’s a lot on our plate.

I know that many of you have served in our Foreign Service or civil service all over the world, and sometimes in very dangerous and unstable places. And I want you to know how much I appreciate you and your family for your service.

I started a tradition when I became Secretary of State, in the holiday season to have a special party for the families of those who are on unaccompanied tours, because it’s hard. It’s hard being away from home, and it’s especially hard if you’re alone away from home. So seeing the faces of the children and the young people who are here gives me a great sense of how important this mission is, how important our relationship with Peru and the entire hemisphere is, and how much work we still have ahead of us.

So what I’d like to do, Rose, if I could, is maybe to shake some hands and thank people personally as I go down the line. But please know that President Obama and I know very well that what we do in Washington would be just words on paper were it not for what you do every single day on behalf of the people of the United States and our relationship with the people and Government of Peru.

Thank you all very much. (Applause.)